Antonina doprsni kip žensk

Antonina doprsni kip žensk


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3D slika

Doprsni kip Antonine, okoli leta 150 CE, Egipt (?), Marmor. Narejeno z ReMake in ReCap Pro iz AutoDeska.

Pričeska odraža trend, ki je v modi pod Faustino Starejšo, ženo Antonina Pija (138-161 n. Št.) In mamo bodočega cesarja Marka Aurelija.

Za več posodobitev mi sledite na Twitterju na @GeoffreyMarchal.

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Muzej J. Paul Getty

Ta slika je na voljo brezplačno za prenos v okviru programa Getty's Open Content Program.

Portretni doprsni kip ženske

Neznano 67,5 × 42,5 × 20 cm (26 9/16 × 16 3/4 × 7 7/8 palcev) 83.AA.44

Slike odprte vsebine so običajno velike velikosti datoteke. Da bi se izognili morebitnim stroškom prenosa podatkov vašega operaterja, priporočamo, da se pred prenosom prepričate, da je vaša naprava povezana z omrežjem Wi-Fi.

Trenutno na ogled na: Getty Villa, Galerija 207, poznejša rimska skulptura

Podrobnosti o objektu

Naslov:
Umetnik/ustvarjalec:
Kultura:
Mesto:

Rim, Lazio, Italija (ustvarjeno mesto)

Srednje:
Številka predmeta:
Dimenzije:

67,5 × 42,5 × 20 cm (26 9/16 × 16 3/4 × 7 7/8 palcev)

Nadomestni naslovi:

Doprsni kip ženske (naslov zaslona)

Busto de una mujer (naslov zaslona)

Oddelek:
Razvrstitev:
Vrsta objekta:
Opis objekta

Čeprav ženske, prikazane na tem rimskem portretu, ni mogoče identificirati, slogovne značilnosti razkrivajo, kdaj in kje je bila narejena. Njena pričeska kopira tisto, ki jo je nosila cesarica Faustina, žena cesarja Antonina Pija, ki je vladala od leta 138 do 161. n.št. Zelo polirana površina doprsnega kipa označuje tudi Antoninov datum nastanka. Portreti cesarske družine so opredelili visok slog in modo ter postavili standarde zasebnega portretiranja družbene elite.

Zdi se, da je ta ženska v zrelih letih, vendar ne kaže fizičnih znakov staranja. Rimski portreti žensk so ponavadi bolj idealizirani in manj individualizirani kot moški. Politično ali družbeno sporočilo, ki ga je prenesel portret, je bilo enako pomembno kot njegova dejanska podobnost s portretiranim. Zato portreti rimskih žensk pogosto bolj predstavljajo najnovejše ideje mode in lepote, kot pa upodabljanje dejanskih značilnosti.

Poreklo
Poreklo
Do leta 1982

Bank Leu, A.G. (Zürich, Švica), prodano Muzeju J. Paul Getty, 1983.

Razstave
Razstave
Gesichter: Griechische und römische Bildnisse aus Schweizer Besitz (6. november 1982 do 6. februar 1983)
Onkraj lepote: Starine kot dokazi (od 16. decembra 1997 do 17. januarja 1999)
Antična umetnost iz stalne zbirke (16. marec 1999 do 23. maj 2004)
Bibliografija
Bibliografija

Jucker, Hans in Dietrich Willers, ur. Gesichter: Griechische und römische Bildnisse aus schweizer Besitz. Bernischen Historischen Museum, 6. november 1982-6. februar 1983. Exh. mačka. (Bern: Archäologisches Seminar der Universität Bern, 1982), str. 160-161, št. 67, bolan. (vpis Ines Jucker-Scherrer).

"Nabave/1983." Muzejski časopis J. Paul Getty 12 (1984), str. 238, ne. 27.

Muzejski priročnik zbirk J. Paul Getty. 1. izd. (Malibu: Muzej J. Paul Getty, 1986), str. 38.

Shelton, Jo-Ann. Tako kot so to storili Rimljani. 1988, bolan. Prekrivanje bolno.

Stemmer, Klaus (ur.). Kaiser Marc Aurel und seine Zeit. Exh. kat., Abguss-Sammlung Antiker Plastik. Berlin: 1988, str. 49-50, kat. ne D 23 (F. Zimmer).

Index der antiken Kunst und Architektur: Denkmäler des griechisch-römischen Altertums in der Photosammlung des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Rom. Begleitband: Register und Komentar. (New York: K. G. Saur, 1988), karton 0421, C03.

Pfanner, Michael. "Ueber das Herstellen von Portraets. Ein Beitrag zu Rationalisierungsmassnahmen und Produktionsmechanism von Massenware im spaeten Hellenismus und in der roemischen Kaiserzeit," Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archaeologischen Instituts 104 (1989), str. 157-257, str. 243.

Priročnik zbirk J. Paul Getty Museum. 3. izd. (Malibu: Muzej J. Paul Getty, 1991), str. 28.

Muzejski priročnik zbirk J. Paul Getty. 4. izd. (Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 1997), str. 25.

Raeder, Joachim. Die antiken Skulpturen in Petworth House (West Sussex). Monumenta Artis Romanae 23, Mainz: Zabern, 2000, str. 192.

Muzejski priročnik zbirk J. Paul Getty. 6. izd. (Los Angeles: Muzej J. Paul Getty, 2001), str. 25.

Priročnik muzeja J. Paul Getty iz zbirke starin (Los Angeles: 2002), str. 164.

Grossman, Janet Burnett. Pogled na grško in rimsko skulpturo v kamnu (Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 2003), str. 20, ilustr.

Priročnik zbirk J. Paul Getty Museum. 7. izd. (Los Angeles: Muzej J. Paul Getty, 2007), str. 9, bolan.

Priročnik muzeja J. Paul Getty iz zbirke starin. Rev. izd. (Los Angeles: Muzej J. Paul Getty, 2010), str. 163.


Krščanstvo se z epidemijami spopada že 2000 let

Sodobni svet se je nenadoma znova spoznal z najstarejšim popotniškim spremljevalcem človeške zgodovine: eksistencialnim strahom in strahom pred neizogibno in nepojmljivo smrtjo. Nobeno cepivo ali antibiotik nas za zdaj ne rešita. Ker je ta izkušnja sodobnim ljudem postala tuja, smo na splošno psihološko in kulturno premalo opremljeni za trenutno pandemijo koronavirusa.

Če želimo poiskati moralne vire za spopadanje s COVID-19, tako njegovo morebitno število smrtnih žrtev kot strah, ki ob bolezni preganja naše skupnosti, moramo pogledati v vire, ki so bili zgrajeni v preteklosti. Zame to pomeni preučiti, kako so se ljudje moje tradicije, kristjani in zlasti luterani spopadli s kugami preteklosti. In čeprav se ljudje vseh veroizpovedi in nobene ne soočajo s to boleznijo, je poseben pristop k epidemijam, ki so jih kristjani sčasoma sprejeli, vreden odstranjevanja prahu.

Sodobni svet se je nenadoma znova spoznal z najstarejšim popotniškim spremljevalcem človeške zgodovine: eksistencialnim strahom in strahom pred neizogibno in nepojmljivo smrtjo. Nobeno cepivo ali antibiotik nas za zdaj ne rešita. Ker je ta izkušnja sodobnim ljudem postala tuja, smo na splošno psihološko in kulturno premalo opremljeni za trenutno pandemijo koronavirusa.

Če želimo poiskati moralne vire za spopadanje s COVID-19, tako njegovo morebitno število smrtnih žrtev kot strah, ki ob bolezni preganja naše skupnosti, moramo pogledati v vire, ki so bili zgrajeni v preteklosti. Zame to pomeni preučiti, kako so se ljudje moje tradicije, kristjani in zlasti luterani spopadli s kugami preteklosti. In medtem ko se ljudje vseh veroizpovedi in nobene ne soočajo s to boleznijo, je poseben pristop k epidemijam, ki so jih kristjani sčasoma sprejeli, vreden odstranjevanja prahu.

Krščanski odziv na kuge se začne z nekaterimi najbolj znanimi Jezusovimi nauki: »Delajte z drugimi tako, kot bi želeli, da bi oni storili z vami« »Ljubi svojega bližnjega kot samega sebe« »Večja ljubezen nima tega človeka, da bi moral položiti svoje življenje za njegove prijatelje. " Jasno povedano, krščanska etika v času kuge meni, da je treba naše lastno življenje vedno obravnavati kot manj pomembno kot življenje našega bližnjega.

V času kuge v rimskem cesarstvu so se kristjani uveljavili. Zgodovinarji menijo, da je grozna Antoninova kuga v 2. stoletju, ki bi ubila četrtino rimskega cesarstva, povzročila širjenje krščanstva, saj so kristjani skrbeli za bolne in ponujali duhovni model, po katerem kuge niso bile delo jezna in muhasta božanstva, ampak produkt zlomljenega stvarstva v uporu proti ljubečemu Bogu.

Najbolj znana epidemija pa je Ciprijeva kuga, poimenovana po škofu, ki je v svojih pridigah barvito opisal to bolezen. Ciprianova kuga je verjetno bolezen, povezana z ebolo, pomagala sprožiti krizo tretjega stoletja v rimskem svetu. Toda naredil je tudi nekaj drugega: sprožil je eksplozivno rast krščanstva. Ciprijanove pridige so kristjanom rekle, naj ne žalijo za žrtvami kuge (ki živijo v nebesih), ampak naj podvojijo prizadevanja za skrb za žive. Njegov kolega škof Dionizij je opisal, kako so kristjani, "ne glede na nevarnost ... prevzeli skrb za bolne in poskrbeli za vse njihove potrebe."

Tudi kristjani niso opazili tega odziva kristjanov na kugo. Stoletje pozneje se je aktivno poganski cesar Julijan grenko pritoževal, kako bodo »galilejci« skrbeli tudi za bolnike, ki niso krščanski, cerkveni zgodovinar Pontianus pa pripoveduje, kako so kristjani zagotovili, da je bilo »dobro vsem ljudem, ne le gospodinjstvo vere. " Sociolog in verski demograf Rodney Stark trdi, da je bila stopnja umrljivosti v mestih s krščanskimi skupnostmi le polovica druga kot v drugih mestih.

Ta navada žrtvene oskrbe se je znova pojavila skozi zgodovino. Leta 1527, ko je butonska kuga prizadela Wittenberg, je Martin Luther zavrnil klice, naj pobegne iz mesta in se zaščiti. Namesto tega je ostal in stregel bolnikom. Zavrnitev bega je njegovo hčerko Elizabeto stala življenja. Izdelal pa je traktat »Ali naj kristjani pobegnejo pred kugo«, kjer Luther jasno navaja odziv krščanske epidemije: umiramo na svojih mestih. Krščanski zdravniki ne morejo zapustiti svojih bolnišnic, krščanski guvernerji ne morejo pobegniti iz svojih okrožij, krščanski pastirji ne morejo zapustiti svojih občin. Kuga ne razreši naših dolžnosti: spremeni jih v križe, na katerih moramo biti pripravljeni umreti.

Za kristjane je bolje, da umremo, ko služimo svojemu bližnjemu, kot pa obkroženi v kupu mask, ki jih nikoli nismo imeli priložnosti uporabiti. In če skrbimo drug za drugega, če si delimo maske in milo za roke ter hrano v pločevinkah, če smo »čuvaj svojega brata«, bi lahko dejansko zmanjšali tudi število smrtnih žrtev.

Sodobnim ljudem, ki poznajo teorijo o zarodkih bolezni, se to lahko sliši nekoliko neumno. Skrb za bolne se sliši lepo, vendar je verjetno, da bo okužil druge kot rešil življenja. V močno profesionaliziranem medicinskem okolju bi morali navadni ljudje res prevzeti breme oskrbe?

Tu se pojavi drugi element krščanskega pristopa: stroga pravila proti samomoru in samopoškodovanju. Naša telesa so dar od Boga in jih je treba zaščititi. Ali, kot pravi Luther v svojem eseju na to temo, ne smemo »mikati Boga«. Katekizem, ki ga je Luther napisal za krščanski pouk, podrobno opisuje peto zapoved ("čeprav ne ubij"), češ da to pravzaprav pomeni, da nikoli ne smemo niti ogrožati drugi zaradi naše malomarnosti ali nepremišljenosti. Lutherjev esej spodbuja vernike, naj upoštevajo ukaz karantene, zaplinjujejo svoje hiše in sprejmejo previdnostne ukrepe, da se izognejo širjenju bolezni.

Krščanski motiv za higieno in sanitacijo ne nastaja v samoohranitvi, ampak v etiki služenja bližnjemu. Želimo skrbeti za prizadete, kar v prvi vrsti pomeni, da ne okužimo zdravih. Prvi kristjani so ustanovili prve bolnišnice v Evropi kot higienske prostore za oskrbo v času kuge, pri čemer so razumeli, da je malomarnost, ki je širila bolezen, pravzaprav umor.

Ker so verska telesa v Južni Koreji, Singapurju, Iranu, Hongkongu in celo Washingtonu, DC, v ospredju prenosa koronavirusa, je treba to odredbo zapomniti. Motiviran zaradi te skrbi, sem za cerkve pripravil izčrpen priročnik o tem, kako lahko okrepijo svoje storitve za zmanjšanje prenosa koronavirusa, upoštevajoč smernice centrov za nadzor in preprečevanje bolezni ter moje izkušnje z delom misijonarja v Hongkongu. Prva žrtva, ki jo morajo kristjani storiti pri skrbi za bližnjega, je naše udobje, saj z navdušenjem sodelujemo pri agresivnih sanitarnih ukrepih in socialni distanci.

Tovrstna ponižna skrb za druge je močna sila. To sem videl pri delu pri sosedih v Hongkongu, ne glede na njihovo prepričanje. Vseprisotne kirurške maske morda dejansko ne preprečujejo okužbe, vendar služijo kot viden opomnik, da si vsi gledamo hrbet. Ko pri dobrih sanitarnih postopkih ne gre več za reševanje lastne kože in za ljubezen do bližnjega, to ne postane le reševalno, ampak tudi oživitev duše.

To me pripelje do enega bolj kontroverznih elementov zgodovinske krščanske etike kuge: Cerkve ne odpovemo. Celotna motivacija osebnega žrtvovanja za skrb za druge in drugi ukrepi za zmanjšanje okužbe, predpostavlja obstoj skupnosti, v kateri smo vsi deležniki. Tudi ko se obhajujemo iz ločenih krožnikov in skodelic, da zmanjšamo tveganje, se odrečemo rokovanju ali objemu in sedimo narazen drug od drugega, še vedno komuna.

Nekateri opazovalci bodo na to gledali kot na nekakšen fanatizem: kristjani so tako obsedeni s cerkvenim obiskom, da bodo tvegali pojav epidemije.

Ampak to sploh ni to. Zaradi koronavirusa več kot 95 odstotkov žrtev še vedno diha. Toda skoraj vsakega člana družbe pusti v strahu, tesnobi, osamljenosti, samem in se sprašuje, ali bi kdo sploh opazil, če jih ni več. V vse bolj atomizirani družbi bi se lahko koronavirus hitro spremenil v epidemijo obupa. Obisk cerkve služi kot družabni poklič, zlasti za starejše: tiste, ki se ne pojavijo, je treba preveriti med tednom. Brez dela, šole, javnih shodov, športa in hobijev ali celo zunanjega sveta ljudje slabo delajo. Potrebujemo moralno in duševno podporo skupnosti, da bi bili spodobni ljudje, kakršni si vsi želimo.

Krščanska odločitev, da zagovarja tedensko zborovanje v cerkvi, torej ni vraževerna. To je jasna, racionalna izbira za uravnoteženje kompromisov: odrečemo se drugim dejavnostim in se zelo trudimo, da smo čim bolj čisti tako da lahko smiselno zberemo, da se podpiramo. Brez te moralne podpore, kot lahko potrdijo državljani Wuhana na Kitajskem - in morda kmalu tudi prebivalci Italije - življenje lahko hitro postane nevzdržno. Tudi nekristjani, ki se izogibajo obiskovanju cerkve, lahko cenijo pomen vzdrževanja samo ena rešilna vrvica skupnosti vzajemne skrbi in podpore.

Bodite pripravljeni žrtvovati se za druge, tudi za ceno svojega življenja. Obsesivno vzdržujte skrbno higiensko rutino, da se izognete okužbi drugih. Ohranite življenjsko pot smiselni človeški skupnosti, ki lahko skrbi za vaš um in dušo. To so vodilne zvezde, ki so tisočletja pastile kristjane skozi nešteto nadlog. Ker se svet z zamudo prebuja, da doba epidemije še ni mimo, imajo te starodavne ideje še vedno sodoben pomen.

Lyman Stone je raziskovalec na Inštitutu za družinske študije in svetovalec v svetovalnem podjetju Demographic Intelligence.


Boomtown, 1870 -ih: Desetletje bonanze, doprsni kip in nebrzdani rasizem

Predvidevam, da nas na neki ravni veliko kupuje stereotip o območju zaliva kot žarišču progresivnega aktivizma. Kraj, ki je modrejši od modrega, ki hitro hodi, kjer živi edini član kongresa, ki je glasoval proti vojni v Afganistanu po 11. septembru. Kraj, ki je ponosen, da je spodbujal gibanje svobodnega govora, črne panterje in boj za osvoboditev gejev (danes LGBTQ).

Res je, da je ulični aktivizem tukaj zelo živ. V zadnjih šestih letih je bilo na primer prikazano, kar pomeni eno dolgo kampanjo proti policijskemu nasilju in socialni nepravičnosti - kampanja, ki jo je sprožil policijski umor potnika BART -a Oscarja Granta, se je prepletla z zahtevami gospodarske pravičnosti gibanja Occupy. in to se nadaljuje v okviru demonstracij Black Lives Matter.

Med temi občasnimi izbruhi se je tehnološki razcvet začel razvijati in sam se je zapletel v protest. Saj poznate zgodbo: vojske večinoma mladih in visoko plačanih programerjev, inženirjev in podjetnikov - in podjetja, ki jih zaposlujejo - prenavljajo velike dele San Francisca, Oaklanda, polotoka in Silicijeve doline. Najemnine so se zvišale, najemniki z nižjimi dohodki so izgubili domove in znana lokalna podjetja, zalivanje lukenj, umetniške galerije in neprofitne organizacije.

Čez noč se je vsaj tako zdelo, da so se na ulicah pojavile flote ogromnih korporativnih avtobusov, ki so odpeljali bolje plačane tehnologe od nas v Silicijevo dolino in iz nje. Aktivisti proti izselitvi so vozila spremenili v mednarodno priznan simbol neenakosti bogastva in razseljenosti skupnosti.

To je torej naša tradicija aktivizma, kakršna je videti v začetku 21. stoletja.

Ko pa vzamete svojo izbiro in lopato (ali kartico knjižnice, Kindle in spletni brskalnik) in začnete kopati po gostih slojih protesta, vznemirjenja in političnih nemirov, ki so bili tu položeni v desetletjih, se boste na koncu znašli v 1870 -ih San Francisco, nekakšen perverzen dvojček današnjega mesta. To je bil kraj veličastnega bogastva, prikazanega sredi polne depresije. Bilo je polno obupanih in razočaranih ljudi, dom pa je bil aktivizem, ki ga zaznamujeta nebrzdana nestrpnost in rasizem, usmerjen proti eni skupini priseljencev, ki so se preko Tihega oceana odpravili pridružiti Zlati mrzlici.

Leta 1870 je San Francisco doživel dva velika razcveta. Prvega se je leta 1848 dotaknila Zlata mrzlica in vasico s približno 800 prebivalci v samo petih letih spremenila v mesto s 35.000 prebivalci. Ko se je sredi leta 1850 pretok zlata iz Sierre upočasnil, je San Francisco doživel prvi daljši gospodarski padec. Rast prebivalstva se je upočasnila in mestni nepremičninski balon se je sesul.

Toda upad ni trajal dolgo. Še en razcvet je prišel leta 1859 z odkritjem Nevada Comstock Lode v gorah severovzhodno od jezera Tahoe. Comstock je bil ena največjih srebrnih najdb v zgodovini in se je dotaknil nove vrste rudarske bonanze, v kateri so se mudi pridružili špekulanti, bankirji in vsakdanji vlagatelji.

Rudniki Comstock so v nekaj več kot dveh desetletjih proizvedli več kot 300 milijonov dolarjev srebra, bogastvo, ki je bilo v veliki meri nadzorovano v San Franciscu in je pripomoglo k hitri rasti mesta - s približno 57.000 leta 1860 na 150.000 leta 1870 in 233.000 leta 1880. ( Comstock je prav tako povzročil sekundarni razcvet rudarjenja v hribih južno od majhnega mesta San Jose, kjer so rudniki v okrožju New Almaden proizvajali živo srebro, ključnega pomena za proces rafiniranja zlata in srebra.)

Bogastvo, pridobljeno iz rudnikov, je bila ena stvar. Toda za tiste, ki so znali, je bilo treba izkoristiti še en vir bogastva.

Razvoj Comstocka so v veliki meri financirali naložbe in špekulacije na novi borzi v San Franciscu, ki so se osredotočale na trgovanje z delnicami v rudarskih koncernih. Nekaj ​​časa so se vsi želeli vključiti v igro. Tako Gary Kamiya opisuje lokalno Comstock manijo v svoji priljubljeni zgodovini, Kul sivo mesto ljubezni:

San Francisco je bil vedno mesto igralcev iger na srečo, toda med 15-letnim razcvetom srebra je skoraj vse prebivalstvo podleglo maniji iger na srečo, za razliko od vseh, ki jih je videl prej ali jih bo še kdaj videl. Špekulacije o rudarskih delnicah so bile tako zasvojene, da so njihove vrednosti tako močno nihale. Govorice, da je bila najdena nova žila, bi lahko povzročile, da se vrednost zaloge rudnika in rsquosa poveča 10 -krat, kot bi lahko teden dni kasneje padla. Posledično je lahko kdorkoli obogatil dobesedno čez noč, mnogi pa so to storili. Celo mesto je brnelo o pravljicah sobaric, ki so kupile hišice, v katerih so delale nekaj tednov prej, in o nekdanjih jadralcih, ki so se v razkošnih kočijah vozili po novo modni ulici Kearny Street.

Toda tisti, ki so obogateli - in večinoma ostali bogati - so bili majhna skupina bankirjev in vlagateljev, ki so nadzorovali rudnike in borzo.

"Z nadzorom informacij iz rudnikov," piše zgodovinar Grey Brechin Cesarski San Francisco, je ta skupina "imela na voljo nekaj drugih igralcev na borzi. Najmanjši namig o novem odkritju v rudnikih je v San Franciscu sprožil nemire, ki so spominjale na versko navdušenje ali nemire. Tisti, ki so imeli najnovejše informacije, so z njimi manipulirali. trgu, da povečajo svoje bogastvo z naložbami drugih. "

Tako Kamiya kot Brechin navajata opis prizora in procesa, ki ga je deloval Robert Louis Stevenson, ko ga je gledal iz soseske, ki jo je imenoval "hrib palač":

Z brda Nob, gledano navzdol na mestne poslovneže, lahko obsodimo stavbo z majhnim zvonikom in to je borza, srce San Francisca, velika črpalka, ki bi ji lahko rekli, in nenehno črpal prihranke spodnje četrti v žepe milijonarjev na hribu.

Pogled iz leta 1891 na Nob Hill, ki gleda proti severu navzgor po ulici Powell. Levo (zahodno) od Powella na vrhu hriba so dvorci Leland Stanford, Mark Hopkins in James C. Flood. (Zgodovinski center javne knjižnice San Francisco)

Comstock je naredil več tistih milijonarjev, ki so zgradili palače na hribu, vključno z Jamesom Floodom, čigar dvorec danes preživi kot Pacific Union Club, na ulicah Kalifornije in Mason. Drugi, ki so izbrali Nob Hill za predstavitev svojega bogastva, so bili Leland Stanford, Mark Hopkins, Collis Huntington in Charles Crocker, velika četverica, glavni vlagatelji v osrednjem Pacifiku, prva transkontinentalna železnica v Severni Ameriki.

Medtem ko je železnica obogatila velike štiri, se ni spremenila v motor blaginje, ki so ga promotorji obljubljali ali pa je San Francisco pričakoval, ko bo končan leta 1869. Po eni strani je dokončanje ceste poslalo na tisoče delavcev, med katerimi je bilo veliko Kitajski priseljenci, ki iščejo novo službo. Po drugi strani je železnica služila kot vod za množice ljudi, ki so prihajali v iskanju dela in zemlje.

Kljub temu je bilo malo zemlje. Po enem računu je 0,2 odstotka državnega prebivalstva-to je dve desetini 1 odstotka-obvladovalo polovico zemljišča, železnice pa so bile podeljene velike površine. Tudi delovnih mest je bilo malo, saj je gospodarstvo San Francisca in Kalifornije kot celote potonilo.

"Zlasti mislimo na žalostno pomanjkanje zaposlitve za delavce, ki tako kličejo kot zlo dneva," je v začetku leta 1870 zapisal San Francisco Evening Bulletin. "Obstajajo tisti, ki ocenjujejo delež delavcev v Kaliforniji ki so brez dela. kar dvajset odstotkov ali petina celotne mase prebivalcev. "

Neki komentator na vzhodni obali je zapisal, da Kalifornija in San Francisco doživljata "revolucijo", ki se je po presežkih zlate mrzlice in Comstocka vrnila na zemljo:

"Špekulacije so bile temelj vsega njenega bogastva, negotovost in nepravilnost v njeni rasti pa zakoni njene blaginje. Visoke cene in veliki dobički, veličasten in nepremišljen način poslovanja in življenja so preželi vso njeno družbo in njeno gibanje," je zapisal časopis Massachusetts urednik Samuel Bowles, ki je mesto sredi in poznih 1860-ih dvakrat obiskal.

Bowles je situacijo označil kot "mesto in državo, ki se" borita za skladnost z načini in moralo ter denarjem naroda ", prehod, ki ga je opazil, je povzročil splošno nezadovoljstvo.

"Sprva so bili ljudje razodeti z razodetjem in revolucijo," je dejal Bowles. "Prekleli so železnico, preklicali so Banko Kalifornijo in prekleli Kitajce, vse skupaj, kot starše svojega razočaranja."

"Obvladovanje Kitajcev" je bilo v prvih desetletjih zvezne države nekaj stalnega med belim prebivalstvom Kalifornije.

Kitajci so se seveda pridružili naglici k temu, kar so poimenovali Zlata gora leta 1849, skupaj s priseljenci iz vzhodnih držav ZDA, zahodne Evrope, Mehike, Čila, Perua, Havajev, Avstralije in Nove Zelandije.

Kitajski delavci na progi Central Pacific Pacific Railroad skozi Sierra Nevado. (Harper's Weekly/knjižnica Bancroft)

Bela Kalifornija na splošno ni bila posebej prijeten kraj za nove prihodke iz Mehike in dežel na jugu, med katerimi so bili mnogi izkušeni rudarji, ko so prispeli na zlata polja. Zgodovinarji ugotavljajo, da so imeli pomembno vlogo pri poučevanju ameriških novincev, kako najti in odstraniti zlato iz potokov in pobočij, kjer leži. Njihova nagrada je bil državni davek na tuje rudarje in ponavljajoče se epizode nasilja in slabega ravnanja.

Še slabše se je obetalo Kitajcem.

Kalifornija - večina bele populacije, njeni zakonodajalci in njihovi akti - je skoraj od prvega časa zadržala sovražnost do teh zgodnjih azijskih priseljencev. Ko so prišli na zlata polja, so bili na splošno izključeni iz vseh razen najrevnejših rudarskih zahtev - tistih, ki so bili že obdelani in so bili po njihovem mnenju izčrpani. Pogosto so bili tarča nasilja in so jim, tako kot temnopolti in Indijanci, odrekli pravico, da celo pričajo na sodišču proti tistim, ki so jih oropali in napadli.

Kaj je bil vir animusa, ki naj bi kmalu dobil uradno podporo?

Theodore Hittell, ki je ustvaril obsežno zgodovino Kalifornije, je ponudil to ugibanje:

Kitajci so bili takrat v navadi, da se danes zbirajo v posebnih in zaprtih prostorih ter se oblačijo in živijo tako, kot so bili oblečeni in živeli na Kitajskem. Skoraj vsa njihova oblačila in večina hrane, ki je obsegala velik del riža, so bili uvoženi iz njihovih domovin. Kot razred so bili neškodljivi, miroljubni in nadvse delavni, a ker so bili izjemno ekonomični in so porabili le malo ali nič svojega zaslužka, razen za potrebe življenja in to predvsem za trgovce svoje narodnosti, so kmalu začeli izzivati ​​predsodke in slaba volja tistih, ki v svojem delu za državo niso videli nobene vrednosti.

Skratka, [Kitajci] so se preveč trudili (pogosto za manj plačila, kot so bili pripravljeni sprejeti drugi), preveč prihranili in premalo porabili. Poleg tega so bili videti in se obnašali drugače od večinskega prebivalstva. Pod vsemi površinskimi racionalizacijami naj bi bil to glavni razlog pritožbe proti Kitajcem v številnih fazah protikitajskega gibanja v Kaliforniji.

To gibanje je privedlo do vrste državnih in lokalnih zakonov, ki naj bi prisilili Kitajce, da zapustijo Kalifornijo, ali pa bi njihovo bivanje postalo izjemno težko ali drago. Davek na tuje rudarje se je večkrat povečal. Zakonodajalec je uvedel različne pristojbine in davke za kitajske priseljence, ki so prišli, nato pa davek 2,50 USD na mesec (približno 60 USD v današnjem denarju) za večino kitajskih prebivalcev. Kitajski otroci so bili izključeni iz državnih javnih šol.

Odbor nadzornikov San Francisca se je pridružil protikitajski kampanji z dolgim ​​seznamom diskriminatornih odlokov. Nekdo je poskušal prepovedati kitajskim preprodajalcem običajno prakso prenašanja njihovega blaga na drogovih. Drugi zakoni so poskušali uvesti kazenske takse za veliko število kitajskih pralnic v mestu in urediti velikost sob v prenočiščih.

Kot ugotavlja McClain, Kitajci tega neprekinjenega napada na svobodo niso ležali ležeči. Ker se je protikitajska agitacija začela v zgodnjih 1850-ih, je guverner John Bigler poslal zakonodajnemu organu posebno sporočilo, v katerem je pozval k programu davkov in drugih ukrepov za ustavitev kitajskega priseljevanja.

Med njegovimi utemeljitvami: neutemeljena trditev, da so bili Kitajci, ki so prišli v Kalifornijo, "kuli" - v bistvu služabniki v zadolžitvi, ki so bili za kitajske izvajalce, ki so jih najeli, malo boljši od sužnjev. Trdil je tudi, da so bili Kitajci v bistvu manjvredni in se niso zavedali razsvetljenega ameriškega načina dela: na primer niso bili sposobni razumeti pomena državljanstva ali ga držati.

Biglerjevo sporočilo je prineslo odziv kitajskega trgovca iz San Francisca po imenu Norman Asing, ki je razblinil logiko izključevanja produktivnih priseljencev in spraševal, kdo v Kaliforniji res predstavlja manjvredno kulturo.

"Prosimo vas, da vas spomnimo, da je bil vaš narod v puščavi in ​​narod, iz katerega ste izvirali barbarskismo izvajali večino umetnosti in vrlin civiliziranega življenja, "je zapisal Asing.

McClain pravi, da je bolj pomembno, da so se vodilni člani kitajske skupnosti s središčem v San Franciscu neposredno obrnili na zakonodajno telo, da bi poskušali zajeziti plimovanje kazenskih davkov in drugih zakonov. Ko je to prizadevanje doseglo le skromen uspeh, so na sodišču izpodbijali protikitajske zakone in izločili najhujše. V petdesetih letih prejšnjega stoletja so na primer kitajski tožniki tožili državo, da bi razveljavili davek, ki bi ga morali pobrati za vse prihajajoče kitajske potnike, in drugega, ki je Kitajcem prepovedal pristanek v pristaniščih države. Oba zakona sta bila preklicana zaradi posega v zvezne pristojnosti.

Podobno so v poznih šestdesetih in zgodnjih sedemdesetih letih prejšnjega stoletja kitajski Kalifornijci vodili dolge in na koncu uspešne kampanje za pridobitev pravice do pričanja na sodišču in za odpravo uveljavljanja diskriminatornega davka na tuje rudarje.

Skladnost, s katero so sodišča razveljavila protikitajske zakone, ni veliko oslabila protikitajskega gibanja. Pozivi k prenehanju kitajskega priseljevanja so postajali vse glasnejši, ko sta Kalifornija in San Francisco v 1870 -ih letih preleteli iz enega gospodarskega korita v drugega.

Špekulacije o delnicah rudarstva Comstock so se leta 1872 povečale, nato pa so se umirile z obsežnimi izgubami. Ogromna nova odkritja srebra leta 1873 so sprožila še eno noro naložbo.

Hubert Howe Bancroft's Zgodovina Kalifornije so dejali, da so bile borze "čudne v svojem navdušenju, posredniki so jokali drug drugemu, kot neprimerne harpije iz Dantejevega pekla, vsak krik je dvignil Comstock višje."

"Če so bili ljudje v teh primerih ali v navdušenju leta 1872 divji, so zdaj tako rekoč postali nori," je zapisal T.H. Hittell v svoji zgodovini tega obdobja. Rekel je, da si vsi želijo:

Tekma za bogastvo, ki je bila preprosto tekma za pridobivanje zalog v rudnikih bonanze, je pritegnila skoraj vse. Moški ali ženska, ki sta zbrala ali sta lahko zbrala denar in nista vlagala, je bila izjema. Ne le dobiček od skupne trgovine, predelovalnih dejavnosti in kmetijstva, ampak pogosto tudi glavnica, počasno kopičenje industrije, težko zaslužene plače dela, plače profesorjev in pridigarjev, honorarji odvetnikov in zdravnikov, vloge v hranilnicah, proizvodi hipotekarnih domačij, denar, ki je bil podedovan ali si ga je bilo mogoče izposoditi-skoraj vsi so se znašli na trgu rudarskih delnic.

William C. Ralston, predsednik Bank of California, se je utopil v zalivu San Francisco dan po tem, ko je banka pokazala, da je bankrotirala. (Wikimedia Commons)

Špekulacije niso trajale dolgo, da bi natančno določile svoj davek. Eden prvih in najpomembnejših vlagateljev, ki so jih uničili pri padcu rudarskih delnic leta 1875, je bil William C. Ralston iz San Francisca. Njegova banka California, največja finančna institucija v državi, je bila za nekaj časa prisiljena zapreti zaradi izgub, ki so nastale zaradi njegovih tajnih špekulacij v rudnikih. Ralston se je dan po vožnji po bregu utopil pri North Beachu, za kar so mnogi domnevali, da je samomor.

Padanje rudarskih delnic leta 1877 je izbrisalo velike in majhne vlagatelje v mestu in povzročilo ponovno finančno paniko. Gospodarske razmere so poslabšale posledice suše, ki je izbrisala večino letnega pridelka pšenice in uničila živinsko industrijo. Učinki depresije po vsej državi so prispevali k slabemu počutju.

V mestu, ki zdaj presega 200.000 prebivalcev, je bil skoraj vsak peti odrasel moški brez dela. Dobrodelne ustanove v mestu so dnevno hranile približno 2000 ljudi. Zdi se, da so bili samo najbogatejši, tisti, ki so razvili rudnike Comstock, in tisti, ki so zgradili železnice - tisti ljudje, ki so svoje palače postavili na hribu Nob - imuni na težke čase, ki so se nad mestom spustili leta poleti 1877.

"Trgovina je bila slaba, dela je bilo primanjkovalo, za kar so ga imeli Kitajci, pripravljeni vzeti le polovico običajnih plač, so tekmovali z belim delavcem," je zapisal politični zgodovinar iz 19. stoletja James Bryce. "The mob of San Francisco, swelled by disappointed miners from the camps and labourers out of work, men lured from distant homes by the hope of wealth and ease in the land of gold, saw itself on the verge of starvation, while the splendid mansions of speculators, who fifteen years before had kept little shops, rose along the heights of the city, and the newspapers reported their luxurious banquets."

Now, the millionaires and San Francisco's roughly 20,000 Chinese residents -- groups at opposite ends of the economic spectrum --- were about to become the targets of a fierce political movement on the city's streets.


Bali & WonderBra

The Bali Brassiere Company was founded by Sam and Sara Stein in 1927 and was originally called the FayeMiss Lingerie Company. The company's best-known product has been the WonderBra, marketed as "The One And Only WonderBra." Wonderbra is the trade name for an underwired bra with side padding that is designed to uplift and add cleavage.

Bali launched the WonderBra in the U.S. in 1994. But the first WonderBra was the "WonderBra - Push Up Plunge Bra," invented in 1963 by Canadian designer Louise Poirier.

According to Wonderbra USA "this unique garment, the forerunner of today's Wonderbra push-up bra had 54 design elements that lifted and supported the bust to create dramatic cleavage. Its precision engineering involved three-part cup construction, precision-angled back and underwire cups, removable pads called cookies, gate back design for support and rigid straps."


The Antonine plague has struck the Roman Empire between 160 and 180 AD and was named after the then emperor of Rome, Marcus Aurelius Antoninus. Caused by a naturally occurring disease, it spread throughout the Empire, its death toll being estimated at more than 2,000 per day.

One of the greatest natural disasters that shook the ancient world was the eruption of Mount Vesuvius, which lead to the burial of the entire city of Pompeii under stone and ash. Thousands of victims died, and their gruesome fate was immortalized as the cooling volcanic rock left perfectly preserved “statues” of Pompeii's unfortunate residents.


The Unabridged Story Of The Biggest Drug Bust In The History Of Darknet

Where there is demand, there will be supply. Unfortunately for us, the age old economic saying holds true even in the case of the international drug market, which continues only to thrive and prosper despite repeated attacks in the hands of law enforcement. Launched in February 2011, Silk Road became the first global marketplace for darknet users interested in the purchase of narcotics, stolen credit cards, malware and other illicit goods. For three years the site grew and prospered, profiting exorbitantly from the unending demand for illicit goods and services, until being shut down by the United States Federal Bureau of Investigation in October 2013.

This was considered a gigantic victory for law enforcement, putting behind bars the perpetrator of a million-dollar illicit drug trade on the deep web. For a while, it even seemed that the online market for illegal goods and services might have suffered a serious blow. However, as it is always with things like this, life went on and demands continued, and it was only a matter of time before a different marketplace, one with upgraded security precautions and an even more menacing assortment of illegal goods, sprung forth in its place. That marketplace was AlphaBay.

“People on the dark web make use of a variety of technologies, including Tor, VPN, PGP and Tail OS, to remain anonymous. These technologies, however, are hardly foolproof and there is always the chance of screwing up and leaving a paper trail of clues for the law enforcement to find. Alexandre Cazes, alleged co-founder of AlphaBay, made use of an unprotected email back in 2014, which gave away his identity and proved to be his demise.” - Ali Qamar, Editor in Chief at Security Gladiators

Launched in December 2014 by alleged founder Alexandre Cazes, AlphaBay positioned itself to be the new home for buyers and sellers in the illicit business shortly after the demise of Silk Road in 2013. It boasted 14,000 new users within just ninety days of launch, a number which climbed up to 240,000 users by the middle of 2017. According to information supplied by Europol, there were at least 250,000 separate listings of illegal narcotics and other toxic chemicals on the website by July 2017, a truly unsettling fact if you take into account the number of teenage users who die each year from an overdose of drugs in the United States alone.

Thankfully for us, despite all its security precautions , AlphaBay’s privacy was not nearly as impenetrable as it may have once seemed. The billion-dollar marketplace for illicit trade went mysteriously offline in July 2017, leading to unending speculation as to whether the site was simply down for maintenance or whether it had run away with its users’ money. Neither of these turned out to be true, and as it happens, AlphaBay was shut down thanks to a coordinated attempt by law enforcement organizations in the US, Canada and Thailand, also leading to the arrest of co-founder Alexandre Cazes, who apparently hung himself from the ceiling of his jail cell in Thailand in what seems to be an apparent suicide.

“Not since the days of the now-legendary Silk Road has a single site dominated the dark web's black market as completely, and for as long, as the online bazaar known as AlphaBay. And with the news that the site has been torn down by a law enforcement raid—and one of its leaders found dead in a Thai prison—the dark web drug trade has fallen into a temporary state of chaos.” - Andy Greenberg, Wired

Chaos followed in the week after AlphaBay’s sudden takedown, causing clients and vendors alike to flock to other darknet marketplaces as a means to continue their illicit businesses. What perhaps nobody in the online world saw coming, is that the chaos was intended . Three weeks before the takedown of AlphaBay, Dutch law enforcement had secretly gained possession of the secured servers that ran the dark web marketplace Hansa, which they continued to run as a ruse even weeks after its apprehension. As the takedown of AlphaBay saw an eightfold increase in the user base of Hansa, this gave the Dutch Politei plenty of time to gain access to the huge database of illegal traders who used the darknet as a means of continuing their narcotics businesses.

As Hansa, too, bit the dust last Thursday in the aftermath of the largest sting operation yet in the history of the darknet, law enforcement organizations in the United States, Canada and Netherlands are now left with a steaming pile of potential abusers and drug marketers who have been using the dark web as a means to pursue their transactions. The United States Department of Justice and the Dutch Politei are yet to announce any indictments in the aftermath of the massive operation, though it is only a matter of time before a huge number of criminals in the dark web community are put behind bars. The United States Attorney General put forth the following in a public statemen t shortly after the takedown of AlphaBay:

“Among other challenges, our great country is currently in the midst of the deadliest drug crisis in our history. One American now dies of a drug overdose every 11 minutes and more than 2 million Americans are addicted to prescription painkillers. Every day, as a result of drug abuse, American families are being bankrupted, friendships broken and promising lives cut short… And today, some of the most prolific drug suppliers use what’s called the dark web —which is a collection of hidden websites that you can only access if you mask your identity and your location… Today the Department of Justice announces the takedown of the dark web market AlphaBay. This is the largest dark net marketplace takedown in history… This is likely one of the most important criminal case of the year. Make no mistake, the forces of law and justice face a new challenge from the criminals and transnational criminal organizations who think they can commit their crimes with impunity by ‘going dark.’ This case, pursued by dedicated agents and prosecutors, says you are not safe. You cannot hide. We will find you, dismantle your organization and network. And we will prosecute you.” - Attorney General Jeff Sessions

From where we stand at this point, it is hard to say how much of an impact this will have on the huge underground black market that uses the dark web as its platform for criminal activities. Arrests will be made, that much is certain, and the takedown of two of the largest darknet marketplaces in history is bound to leave a mark. Whether the international police will continue to show this level of enthusiasm in putting an end to illegal dark web transactions in the future, however, remains to be seen.


Life With Mother

Augusta suffered from a paralytic stroke, and Ed spent his life looking after her. He cherished whatever she said and took it deep into his mind.

There was an incident where they visited a certain Mr. Smith and saw him trashing a dog to death. A woman came running out of his house and begged him to stop. But in vain. This scarred Augusta. Not because of the plight of the dog. But because the woman was not his wife and she called the woman as “Smith’s harlot”.(Way to keep priorities straight, lady!)

Augusta died at the age of 67, and Edward was devastated.

lost his only friend and one true love. And he was absolutely alone in the world.

Apparently, his mind too. After this, things started getting creepy.


Working kirtle for the 15th century woman

This is a dress I made several years ago, to have as a simple working kirtle. I never got around to take photos and write proper documentation about it, but now I got some feeling! In these photos, the dress has been used for a couple of years and it has seen wear, washing machines and mending. So here’s my first tutorial for the autumn, and thank you for visiting and reading! (Both old friends and newcomers!)

This is a very simple working kirtle or dress, made to be practical as well as historically possible. The fabric is a plain wool weave, dyed to look like walnut dyed fabric. The skirt is partly pleated, partly flat sewn to the waist, and the upper part of the dress is fitted for bust support, side laced and has short sleeves.

I wear it with loose sleeves, pinned to the short sleeves and a gollar for warmth, under another fancier dress, or as it is if I am going to do lots of work or if the weather is warm.

The dress is hand sewn with wool thread in the same colour as the fabric, and it was one of my first garments made with wool thread instead of linen thread. I really recommend it! At first, I was a bit unsure if it was going to be durable enough, but after several years of using it, washing it in the machine (yeah, because lazy and dirty…) and treating it rather rough, it stays together really well, with only some minor mending.

I used running stitches on all long seams and folded the seam allowances to one side before whip stitching them down. The waist seam and all edges were made with whip stitches, and the sleeves and upper body seams made with back stitches to be a bit more durable than the running stitch is. The running stitch is way more durable than many believe and common in extant finds, but for heavy support, I like whip stitch and backstitching better.

The fabric is a medium tabby weave and I used around 3 meters for a dress. If you are much longer than me (1,6 m) consider buying another half metre. I did a quick pattern outlay for you, since it is old I’m not sure if I drafted the pattern along the selvedge or across the fabric but you will get an idea of what pieces you need to make one for your self.

The dress was made using two front pieces (to have a supportive seam in the front was a good choice since I didn’t have any lining in the dress.) One back piece, two sleeves and the skirt panels. I drafted S-sleeves, but the dress is made with regular sleeves with the seam under the arm. That seems to be the most common in artwork from the time on short sleeves. Your choice!

Do you see that the skirt has way more fabric in the back, while the front is straight? This will give you a nice fall as well as enough width and volume, but if you bend forward to pick up things or work by the fire, this construction will make the skirts remain away from the flames closer to your body, rather than draping forward with your movement. Hard to explain, but try it! It gives you a very practical garment.

The front panels are marked C at the centre front. The back piece is “upside-down” to use as much of the fabric as possible. You could of course piece the skirt together with more panels if you like. On my dress, the front panels lie smoothly in the waist, with only a couple of pleats to allow room for hips and stomach, while the back part is pleated around the back.

Other ways of construction would be to make more panels/gores (see my green 15th c kirtle) or pleat the skirt fabric to the waist seam all the way around (like my 16th c trossfrau dress in purple and blue). Or just make a few decorative folds in the back, like on my blue Weyden kirtle. This is simply one possible way of interpreting contemporary art.

This is (I think) my only wool garment so far that has bust support, but no lining whatsoever. This is possible only because of the plain weave since it is not very flexible across and along the threads in the fabric. A twill weave would not have worked without lining.

The drawing with the front piece has two arrows marking out small details in the fronts seams. At the centre front there is a small bend going in under the bust, and at the side seams there’s another, making the seam run in a bend, and then changing direction after the bust and running straighter over the stomach. This way of sewing will make the bust stay better in place, allowing for bust support without lots of sturdy layers. But the bust will have a rounder form and not as much steadiness as a garment with lining.

I did however put in a narrow strip of linen around the neck opening on the inside, to avoid it getting stretched. There is plenty of ways to make hems sturdier, such as a narrow strip of fabric, running or stab stitching or using another layer or quality of fabric on the inside, for example. You can find this in extant finds such as Herjolfnes and finds from 14th c London, as well as in paintings. It is an easy way to finish your garment, make it last longer while being historically made.

The side lacing is made with sewn holes and a lucet braid in plant-dyed wool thread. A wool thread will be a bit stretchy, and won’t run as smoothly as silk, which makes it a bit slower to lace, but the cord will stay in place. In this photo, you can see the lacing which starts at the sleeve and reaches to the waist seam, a gap where the shift is visible (did I have too much good food this winter?) and also some mending is done on the sleeve. After the waist seam, I tie the cord (I lace it from sleeve to waist) and the skirts are opened another 15 cm to allow for easy undressing. The skirt is not laced, it stays closed anyway, and by sewing some folds in the sides, the opening will not be very visible.

A note on fitting a dress like this:

I always make a fitting for every single item I make, and that is especially important if it is supposed to be tight fitting. I do have a basic pattern, drafted on my own body (a toile) but after I have basted the pieces together I need to try them on before sewing the garment. Every fabric you work with is slightly different, some more stretchy, some supportive and stiff, and by trying the pieces on you can adjust the garment to your taste.

The method for adjusting and fitting a dress like this is the same as I use while making a supportive upper body toile, and you achieve the support by taking in the upper body in the sides and front, sometimes also by stretching the shoulder seams upwards a bit.

A front laced kirtle is a bit easier to adjust to a bigger bust, but you can make it work with a side lacing as well, just remember to make the same adjustments to the laced side as the sewn together side, and maybe lacing it double one turn just below the bust for greater support.

For a complete outfit linen shift, wool hose and leather shoes under the kirtle. A simple belt to hang the money purse from (change is very important for today’s trader) and a veil on the head. Here I have a simple cap under the Great Veil, to have a base to pin it on. The veil can then be worn in many different ways, depending on how you like to wrap or fold it. 2-3 brass pins secure the veil to the cap under it.

Whoho! Finally documented this dress a bit, so now I don’t have to feel “bad” about forgetting it all the time. As you have noticed, this is not a complete step-to-step tutorial but rather a post with guidance if you want to make a similar dress.

Many readers ask me to share more sources and such material on the blog, but according to copyright laws I am not free to post all the stuff that inspires me on the internet, and therefore you will often find links, reading tips and Pinterest notions where you can find artwork and resources of your own. Hope you understand my take on this!


Sheriff discusses Mississippi's largest drug bust in history

President Trump’s Homeland Security Secretary, John Kelly, says when it comes to the drug war, weed isn’t the problem. Veuer's Nick Cardona (@nickcardona93) has the story.

Sheriff Jody Ashley, standing, and two of his investigators with the more than 70 kilos of cocaine confiscated in March 2016. (Photo: Courtesy of the Wayne County Sheriff's Department)

When Wayne County Sheriff Jody Ashley took office in 2016, the department was so poor that the man he replaced had to drive his own personal vehicle.

"Six months before I took office I went to the board and asked them for some patrol cars," Ashley said.

Ashley also said former Wayne County Sheriff Darryl Woodson went to bat for him. "If y'all don't get him some cars he'll never get started," Ashley said Woodson told the board.

Ashley said the county had just had 27 homicides in a year, all drug related, before he took office. There was one narcotics officer, and he was part-time. As many rural cops will say, when a department doesn't have resources to wage the war on drugs, the war is waged on them. So the board used leftover money from Woodson's budget to buy cars for Ashley.

Nobody knew then that Wayne County deputies would soon conduct what officials say is the biggest cocaine bust in state history.

When a traffic stop was made on the very rural Myrick Strengthford Road in Wayne County in March of 2016, Ashley wasn't prepared for what he was about to hear from his deputies.

A 2004 Ford F-250 had been stopped at a safety checkpoint and the couple that were inside, who were traveling from Houston, Texas, couldn't really give police a good explanation of why they were in that area. The driver, Berenice Benitez-Jaramillo, did not have a driver's license but did show an identification card from Mexico. Passenger Daniel Sanchez Penaloza also did not have a driver's license.

They told investigators they were going to visit some friends in Waynesboro on their way to Atlanta. That just didn't make any sense, officials said.

According to a federal court indictment, Deputy Johnny Smith was given permission to search the vehicle. As he searched, Smith, who has experience in construction, noticed that there was packing tape on some boxes of Sheet

Smith also found 70 bricks of a substance that turned out to be cocaine. Some of the bricks were in the boxes and some were hidden in a hot water heater. The total weight of the haul was about 163 pounds.

The estimated street value of the cocaine was between $2.5 million and $3.5 million, officials said. They would find out later that it was reportedly the largest cocaine bust in Mississippi history.

The federal Drug Enforcement Agency was called in, and Penazola and Benitez-Jaramillo were indicted on charges of possession of cocaine with intent to distribute, possession with intent to distribute (aiding and abetting), and transportation in aid of racketeering enterprises.

"Everything was good. The paperwork was perfect," Ashley said. "And we're getting ready for trial and we learn who these people are, and they're huge and they've got some high-profile attorneys."

The sheer cost of the attorneys hired by the pair raised questions as to who was backing them, the sheriff said.

"A mule doesn't hire this type of attorney, you see. These are the best of the best," Ashley said.

As authorities prepared for the federal trial, near-disaster struck. Smith left the sheriff's department over some issues not related to the case, Ashley said. Smith's departure almost proved disastrous.

"We had a hearing in court and he didn't show up. This is where I got so stressed. We try to locate him and we can't find him. He's off the map," Ashley said.

Authorities began a full-on search for Smith. His phone was dead and his family didn't know where he was, and rumors swirled, Ashley said. Given the possibility that Penaloza and Benitez-Jaramillo were connected to players in a cartel or other criminal organization, there was great reason to be concerned, Ashley said.

"He was the only narcotics officer who had permission to search, and they knew this and the cartel knew this," Ashley said. "For weeks, he's nowhere to be found, and things go through your head. 'Where is he, and what took place?'"

Without Smith as the key witness, the case was over. Ashley said even though it was no longer his case, he couldn't stand to see that happen.

"The magnitude of this case, and it was in jeopardy," he said.

Ashley vowed to fight for his case anyway, contacting his state representative and staying in close contact with the U.S. marshals as authorities searched for Smith. Finally, Smith turned up. He had simply been working construction in North Carolina. When he resurfaced, Ashley said, the suspects who had initially pleaded not guilty changed their plea.

"It was a win for me, but also something nobody would believe," Ashley said of the story. "I knew I was headed for federal court, and I knew I'm just gonna have to trust God and the system, and finally they plead them guilty."

The hot water heater the drugs were found in will be donated to a museum, Ashley said. The truck confiscated in the bust has been given to the local fire department. And Ashley hopes the ripple effect of the epic bust will continue to impact his county in a positive way.