Porobljena Galija, Glanumov lok

Porobljena Galija, Glanumov lok


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IZLOŽENA RESNICA: Ali poznate irsko trgovino s sužnji? Če ne, to morate videti ZDAJ

Resnica o belih sužnjih in irskih sužnjih je umazana skrivnost, za katero marksistični liberalni naprednjaki nočejo, da bi vedeli. Veliko truda so namenili diskreditaciji in zanikanju, da so bili sužnji tudi Irci in belci. Če bi bila resnica o belih sužnjih in irskih sužnjih dobro znana, bi se njihov celoten načrt za pridobitev "odškodnine za sužnje" popolnoma razkril.

Belo suženjstvo v zgodnji Ameriki

Verjetno ste spodaj na družabnih medijih videli belega irskega sužnja. To je povzročilo precej razburjenja zlasti med naprednimi liberalci in gibanjem odškodnin črnih sužnjev. Zakaj? Ker razkriva zelo zelo neprijeten predmet, ki je že zdavnaj izpuščen iz šolskih učnih načrtov, saj ne služi progresivni agendi bele liberalne krivde in govorim v industriji rasnih zvodnikov. Belo suženjstvo in irsko suženjstvo se zanika in prikriva. Konec koncev, kje bi bil glavni vir progresivne delitve brez pritožbe črnega suženjstva? Ni tako, kot da je moški afriškega porekla osem let ravno zasedel najvišji urad v deželi. Ni tako, kot da je črna ženska pravkar imela najvišjo funkcijo v kazenskem pregonu. Oh, počakaj Ni važno.

Belo suženjstvo in irski sužnji so zelo resnični in obstaja veliko dejstev, ki to dokazujejo

Pogovorimo se o resnični zgodovini belega suženjstva in irskega suženjstva v Ameriki. Danes ni niti solze zaradi trpljenja milijonov naših lastnih zasužnjenih prednikov. 200 let belega suženjstva v Ameriki je bilo skoraj popolnoma izbrisano iz kolektivnega spomina Američanov. Kdo se želi spomniti, da je polovica ali morda kar dve tretjini prvotnih ameriških kolonistov prišlo sem, ne po svoji volji, ampak ugrabljeno, ošabljeno, navdušeno, prevarano, zavedeno in ja, v verigah? Navedli bomo dejstva o belem suženjstvu in navajali reference iz številnih virov, ki so vsi preverljivi. Po branju tega članka ne bo več prostora za razpravo o veljavnosti belega in irskega suženjstva.

Goljufija industrije pritožb je uspešno uveljavila opredelitev besede suženj kot oznako za črnce, medtem ko je opis zgodovinskih izkušenj belcev v suženjstvu označila kot zmoto. Toda sama beseda suženj, za katero se zgodovinska šola ustanove, ki se strinja, da je zakonito ne more uporabiti za belce, izhaja iz besede slovan. Po Oxfordskem angleškem slovarju je beseda suženj drugo ime za bele ljudi vzhodne Evrope, Slovane. (Kompaktna izdaja Oxfordskega angleškega slovarja, str. 2.858).

Z drugimi besedami, suženj je bil vedno izraz in opredelitev suženjskega stanja bela ljudi. Kljub temu nam liberalni akademiki in tisti v industriji rasnih zvodnikov pravijo, da belcev ni pravilno označevati kot sužnje, ampak samo kot služabnike, čeprav sam koren besede izhaja iz zgodovinskega dejstva belega suženjstva.

Pravilno razumevanje pristne zgodovine zasužnjevanja belcev v Ameriki bi lahko imelo globoke posledice za prihodnost ras: ne moremo biti prepričani, da se je položaj prvih Afričanov bistveno razlikoval od položaja belih služabnikov. Razprava ima velik pomen za razlago rasnih odnosov v ameriški zgodovini (Eugene D. Genovese, Roll, Jordan Roll: Svet, ki so ga naredili sužnji, str. 31)

Večina knjig o belem delu v zgodnji Ameriki je naslovljenih z besedami, kot so beli podrejeni služabniki, beli služabniki, beli služabniki itd. Zanimivo je, da so beli ljudje, ki so bili vezani na stanje, ki je v mnogih primerih postalo trajno suženjstvo do smrti, akademiki jih ne imenujejo sužnji.

Ob ogromni količini izobraževalnih in medijskih virov o črnih izkušnjah suženjstva je bila neizrečena domneva, da so bili samo črnci zasužnjeni v kakršni koli meri ali velikosti, vredni spomina. Zgodovinski zapisi razkrivajo, da temu ni tako. Bele ljudi so že stoletja prodajali kot sužnje.


Glanum, mavzolej

Glanum: Rimska vas v južni Franciji, sodobna St.Rémy-de-Provence.

Ohranilo se je več spomenikov rimskega mesta Glanum. Na območju, ki se imenuje "Les antiques", lahko vidite Glanumova južna vrata in starodavni mavzolej.

Mavzolej, visok 18 metrov, je mogoče najti na začetku ceste proti Arlesu in Nîmesu, datiran pa je od 30. do 20. pr. Dedikat je bil bojevnik v vojski Julija Cezarja in/ali cesarja Avgusta, ki mu je podelil rimsko državljanstvo. Napis pravi, da so grob postavili Sekst, Lucij in Marko Julije, Gajevi sinovi, in posvetili očetu in dedku, od tod tudi njegovo alternativno ime, Kenotaf Julijev. Štirikratni lok, ki je spodnji del mavzoleja, spominja na slavolok, primeren simbol za bojevnika.

Vrh spomenika spominja na okrogel tempelj oz tholos. Morda so bili kipi pokojnika in njegovega očeta kot junaki. V spomeniku niso našli nobene žare, zato je bila morda postavljena v tem templju - če spomenik ni bil posvečen nekomu, ki je bil pogrešan v akciji.

Na dnu so zgodovinski in mitski reliefi, ki prikazujejo prizore iz starodavnih legend. Kombinacija nakazuje, da so pokojnega bojevnika in njegovo družino primerjali s starimi junaki.

Severni relief prikazuje neidentificiran boj konjenice. Vzhodni relief je zagotovo navdihnjen s skupnimi upodobitvami vojne med Grki in Amazonkami, v resnici pa prikazuje znano vojno dejanje posvečenika: v sredini vzame plen sovražniku, ki je morda umrl v enem samem boju . Na levi strani novice prejme njegova družina.

Glanum, mavzolej, vzhodni relif

Glanum, mavzolej, severni relif

Glanum, mavzolej, zahodni relif

Glanum, mavzolej, južni relif

Južni relief prikazuje legendo o kalifornijskem lovu, ki ga je vodil Meleager. Dva konjenika sta Castor in Pollux, več ljudi je ranjenih. Zahodni relief končno prikazuje bojni prizor iz trojanske vojne: boj za posest trupla Patrokla.


Vsebina

A meretrix (množina: meretrice) je bila registrirana prostitutka višjega razreda - bolj pejorativna mrčesa se lahko uporablja za prostitutke obeh spolov. Neregistrirane ali naključne prostitutke so spadale v široko kategorijo prostibule, nižji razred. [10] Čeprav bi lahko ženske in moški sodelovali s prostitutkami ali prostitutkami, je dokazov za prostitucijo žensk veliko več. [11]

Obstajajo nekateri dokazi, da bi prostitutke sužnji lahko imele koristi od svojega dela [12], na splošno bi lahko sužnji zaslužili lasten denar, če bi najeli svoje sposobnosti ali pridobili dobiček iz poslovanja lastnika.

Prostitutka bi se lahko samozaposlila in najela sobo za delo. Dekle (puella, izraz, ki se v poeziji uporablja kot sinonim za »punca« oz meretrix in ne nujno starostna oznaka) lahko živi pri prokuristu ali madame (lena) ali celo začeti poslovati pod vodstvom svoje matere [1] mater morda včasih zgolj evfemizem lena. [ potreben citat ] Te ureditve nakazujejo, da se prostorojene ženske, ki so v hudi finančni stiski, zatekajo k prostituciji, za take prostitutke pa je veljalo, da imajo relativno višji ugled ali družbeno stopnjo. [1] Prostitutke bi lahko iz bordela ali gostilne delale tudi za nabavo ali zvodnika (leno). Zdi se, da je bila večina prostitutk suženj ali nekdanjih sužnjev. [1] Cena prostitutke je bila malo več kot štruca kruha. [13]

V rimskem pravu je bil status meretric posebej in natančno urejen. [14] Morali so se registrirati pri edilih [15] in (od Kaligulinih dni dalje) plačati cesarski davek. [16] Veljali so za "zloglasne osebe" in jim zaradi državljanov odrekli številne državljanske pravice. Na sodišču niso mogli dati dokazov [16], rimskim svobodomislim moškim pa se je bilo prepovedano poročiti. [17] Obstajajo pa stopnje infamija in posledično izgubo privilegijev pri spolnem vedenju. Obsojena prešuštnica državljanskega statusa, ki se je prijavila kot meretrix bi lahko tako vsaj deloma ublažili njeno izgubo pravic in statusa. [18]

Nekatere poklicne prostitutke, morda za primerjavo s kurtizanami, so gojile elitne pokrovitelje in bi lahko postale bogate. The diktator Sulla naj bi svoje bogastvo zgradila na bogastvu, ki mu ga je v oporoki pustila prostitutka. [1] Rimljani so tudi domnevali, da so igralci in plesalci na voljo za opravljanje plačljivih spolnih storitev, kurtizane, katerih imena pa se ohranijo v zgodovinskem zapisu, se včasih ne razlikujejo od igralk in drugih izvajalcev. [1] V času Cicerona je bila kurtizana Cytheris dobrodošel gost na večerjah na najvišji ravni rimske družbe. Očarljive, umetniške in izobražene so takšne ženske prispevale k novemu romantičnemu standardu moško-ženskih odnosov, ki so ga Ovidije in drugi avgustovski pesniki izrazili v svojih erotičnih elegijah. [19]

Oblačila in videz Edit

Po vsem Rimu je bilo običajno, da se prostitutke oblačijo drugače kot državljane. Na najdišču v bližini Pompejev so na telesu tridesetletne ženske z napisom "gospodar svoji lastni suženjici" našli zlato zapestnico. Ta zapestnica je opomnik, da niso bili vsi sužnji obravnavani enako. Več slik v Pompejih prikazuje prostitutke popolnoma gole ali včasih z zlatimi telesnimi verigami in drugim dragim nakitom. To nam daje pogled na različne pojave prostitutk in spolnih sužnjev. [13]

Od pozne republikanske ali zgodnje cesarske dobe naprej, meretices morda je togo nosil v javnosti, zaradi prisile ali izbire. Možni razlogi za to ostajajo predmet sodobnih znanstvenih špekulacij. Toge so bile sicer uradna obleka državljanov, medtem ko so ugledne odrasle svobodno rojene ženske in matrone nosile stolo. Ta prestop meja med spoloma je bil različno interpretiran. Vsaj nošenje toge bi služilo za postavitev meretrix razen uglednih žensk in predlagajo njeno spolno dostopnost [20] Svetle barve - "Colores meretricii" - in zapestnice z nakitom so jih označile tudi med uglednimi ženskami. [21]

V Pompejih so našli artefakte, ki bi lahko nakazovali, da so nekatera spolno zasužnjena ljudstva morda nosila nakit, ki so mu ga podarili njihovi gospodarji. [13]

Drage kurtizane so nosile oblačila iz prozorne svile. [22]

Zdi se, da nekateri odlomki rimskih avtorjev kažejo, da so se prostitutke prikazale gole. Golota je bila povezana s suženjstvom kot pokazatelj, da so osebi dobesedno odvzeli zasebnost in lastništvo lastnega telesa. [23] Odlomek iz Seneke opisuje stanje prostitutke kot sužnja za prodajo:

Naga je stala na obali, v veselje kupca so pregledali in otipali vsak del njenega telesa. Bi slišali rezultat prodaje? Gusar je kupljenega zvodnika prodal, da bi jo zaposlil kot prostitutko. [24]

V Satirikon, Petronijev pripovedovalec pripoveduje, kako je "videl nekaj mož, ki so se skrivaj sprehajale med vrstami imenskih tabel in golimi prostitutkami". [25] Satirik Juvenal opisuje prostitutko, ki stoji gola "z pozlačenimi bradavicami" na vhodu v svojo celico. [26] Pridevnik nuduslahko pa pomeni tudi "izpostavljene" ali slečene zunanje obleke, erotične stenske slike Pompejev in Herkulaneja pa prikazujejo ženske, za katere se domneva, da so prostitutke, ki nosijo rimski ekvivalent modrca, tudi če so aktivno vključene v spolne odnose.

Razlike med spolnimi sužnji in delavkami v starem Rimu Edit

Staro rimske spolne sužnje so kupovali bogati, kjer so bili delavci (prostitutke) moški in ženske, ki so bili pogosto zaposleni pri nekdanjih sužnjih. Spolne delavke bi imele pokrovitelje nižjega razreda, kjer bi bogati moški iz višjega razreda lahko kupovali samo sužnje. Če so prostitutke delale iz bordela, so redko zapustile bordel. Vsaka prostitutka je dobila svojo majhno sobo (ali celico) za opravljanje svojega posla. Tu bi bili bodisi popolnoma goli ali zelo skromno oblečeni. [27] Spolni sužnji pa so imeli drugačno življenje. Možno je, da so imeli nekateri spolni sužnji tetovaže, ki so jih označevali kot take, še posebej, ker so bile tetovaže tako tesno povezane s suženjstvom. Tetovaže in golota so običajne za najnižjo stopnjo suženjstva, zato ni izključeno, da bi lahko bila nanešena spolnim sužnjem. [27]

Zakonske pravice in omejitve življenja prostitutk in zvodnikov Uredi

Prostitutke so morale biti registrirane in licencirane. Edile, ki je registriral prostitutke, je bil odgovoren za to, da so javne hiše v redu. To je vključevalo nadzor nad delovnim časom bordela, prekinitev vseh spopadov in uveljavljanje pravil oblačenja. Rimske kopeli naj bi bile običajno mesto za prostitucijo, in ker so bile kopeli na koncu ločene po spolu, lahko vidimo potencialni porast homoseksualne prostitucije in pokroviteljstva. [28]

Zvodniki in prostitutke so imeli v času republike in cesarstva veliko omejitev, toda do leta 300 n.št. so bili zvodniki in prostitutke na vrhuncu zakonskih omejitev. Niso smeli kandidirati za javne funkcije. Nekateri verski prazniki, na primer Floralia, so imeli močno prisotnost prostitutk in spolnih podob, drugi kulti, festivali in templji pa so prostitutke v celoti izključili. Rimljanom je bilo pomembno ločiti tisto, kar se jim je zdelo sprejemljivo, na primer čednost in družino, in tisto, kar se jim je zdelo obžalovanja vredno, na primer razvratnost in odprto spolnost. [29]

Moška prostitucija v starem Rimu Edit

Rimljani so nasprotovali prodiranju rimskih državljanov, kar so povezovali z uspešnostjo. Cato Starejši je bil zelo odkrit glede svojih občutkov spolnosti. On in mnogi drugi Rimljani so mislili, da je grška zamisel o prosti spolnosti sramotna. Katon starejši ni želel, da bi bil kakšen rimski moški "preveč ženstven", saj je menil, da je to nečastno. [30] Vendar je bilo običajno, da so rimski moški kot aktivni partner seksali z moškimi. Odnosi so bili običajni v rimskih javnih kopališčih, saj so se moški in ženske kopali ločeno. Verjetno je tudi v teh rimskih kopališčih potekala moška prostitucija.

Za moško prostitutko se uporablja več latinskih izrazov, kot sta scortum (spolno nevtralna) in exoltus (značilna za moške, starejše od 18 let).

Moške prostitutke so morda dobile odstotek svojega zaslužka, medtem ko prostitutke niso. Oglasi z grafiti prikazujejo dokaze o moški prostituciji v Pompejih. [27]

Prostitucija je bila do neke mere urejena, ne toliko iz moralnih razlogov, kot da bi povečala dobiček. [31] Prostitutke so se morale registrirati pri edilih. [22] Navedla je svoje pravilno ime, starost, kraj rojstva in psevdonim, pod katerim je nameravala izvajati svoj klic. [32] Če je bila deklica mlada in na videz ugledna, je uradnik poskušal vplivati ​​nanjo, da bi si premislila [ potreben citat ] [33] ker mu to ni uspelo, ji je izdal "dovoljenje za razuzdanost" (licentia stupri), ugotovil ceno, ki jo namerava pridobiti za svoje storitve, in v svoje ime vpisal svoje ime. Ko je bilo enkrat vneseno tja, imena nikoli ni bilo mogoče odstraniti, ampak mora ostati za vedno, nepremagljiva ovira za kesanje in spoštovanje.

Caligula je odprl davek na prostitutke ( vectigal ex capturis), kot državni upor: "zaračunal je nove in doslej neslišne davke del honorarja prostitutk - toliko, kolikor je vsaka zaslužila z enim moškim. Zakonu je bila dodana tudi klavzula, ki določa, da so ženske, ki so delale prostitucijo, in moški ki so se ukvarjali s tožilstvom, je treba javno oceniti, poleg tega pa je treba za zakonske zveze upoštevati stopnjo ". [34] Aleksander Severus je ohranil ta zakon, vendar je naročil, da se takšni prihodki uporabijo za vzdrževanje javnih zgradb, da ne bi onesnažil državnega zaklada. [35] Ta zloglasni davek je bil odpravljen šele v času Teodozija I., vendar je resnično zasluga bogatega patricija po imenu Florencij, ki je močno obsodil to prakso, cesarju in ponudil svojo lastnino, da bi poravnal primanjkljaj, ki je bi se pojavila ob njegovi razveljavitvi. [36]

Rimski bordeli so znani iz literarnih virov, regijskih seznamov in arheoloških dokazov. Bordel se običajno imenuje lupanar oz lupanarij, od lupa, "volkinja", sleng [37] za "prostitutka", oz fornix, splošni izraz za obokan prostor ali klet. Po mnenju regionarjev mesta Rim [38] lupanarija so bili koncentrirani v Regio II [39], Caelian Hill, Suburra, ki je mejila na mestno obzidje, in dolino med Caelian in Esquiline Hills.

Veliki trg (macellum magnum) je bil v tem okrožju skupaj s številnimi kuharicami, stojnicami, brivnicami, pisarno javnega krvnika in vojašnico za tuje vojake v Rimu. Regio II je bil eden izmed najbolj obremenjenih in gosto naseljenih četrti v celotnem mestu - idealna lokacija za lastnika bordela ali zvodnika. Najemnina iz bordela je bila zakonit vir dohodka. [40]

Navadni bordeli so opisani kot izjemno umazani, dišijo po značilnih vonjih, ki se zadržujejo v slabo prezračenih prostorih, in po dimu iz gorečih svetilk, kot je obtožbeno opozoril Seneca: "še vedno smrdiš po saj bordela". [41]

Nekateri bordeli so si prizadevali za višjo stranko. Frizerji so bili pri roki, da so popravili opustošenja, ki so jih povzročili pogosti ljubezenski spopadi, in vodni fantje (akvarij) čakal pri vratih s skledami za umivanje.

Zdi se, da so bile hiše z licenco dveh vrst: tiste v lasti in upravljanju zvodnika (leno) ali gospa (lena), in tiste, pri katerih je bil slednji zgolj agent, ki je oddajal sobe in deloval kot dobavitelj za svoje najemnike. V prvem je lastnik imel tajnico, villicus puellarumali nadzornik za dekleta. Ta upravitelj je dekletu dodelil njeno ime, določil cene, prejel denar in priskrbel oblačila in druge potrebščine. [42] Villicus ali blagajnik je imel tudi dolžnost voditi račun o zaslužku vsakega dekleta: "daj mi račune bordela, pristojbina bo ustrezala". [43]

Freska je bila tudi v skladu s predmetom, za katerega je bila hiša vzdrževana, glej erotično umetnost v Pompejih in Herkulanu. Nad vrati vsake kabine je bila tablica (titulus) na katerem je bilo ime stanovalke in njena cena, je na hrbtni strani pisala beseda Occupata ("zaseden, v službi, zaseden") in ko je bil zapornik zaseden, je tablico obrnil tako, da je izginila ta beseda. Plautus [44] govori o manj pretenciozni hiši, ko pravi: "naj na vratih napiše, da je Occupata". Prostor je običajno vseboval svetilko iz brona ali, v spodnjih brlogah, iz gline, nekakšno paleto ali posteljico, na katero je bila razgrnjena odeja ali odeja, ki se je včasih uporabljala kot zavesa. [ 25] Pristojbine, zabeležene v Pompejih, se gibljejo od 2 do 20 osli na stranko. [1] Za primerjavo: legionar je zaslužil okoli 10 oslov na dan (225 denarijev na leto), as pa bi lahko kupil 324 g kruha. Nekateri bordeli so morda imeli svoj sistem žetonov, imenovan spintria.

Ker je bil spolni odnos z meretrixom skoraj normalen za mladostnika tega obdobja in je bil poročenemu moškemu dovoljen, dokler je bila prostitutka ustrezno registrirana, [45] so javne hiše običajno razpršili po rimskih mestih, pogosto med hišami uglednih družin. [46] Ti so vključevali velike bordele in enosobne cellae meretriciae, ali "posteljice prostitutk". [47] Rimski avtorji so pogosto razlikovali med "dobronamernimi" meretricami, ki so resnično ljubile svoje stranke, in prostitutkami "slabe vere", ki so jih zvabile le za svoj denar. [48] ​​[49]

Loki pod cirkusom so bili priljubljeno mesto prostitutk ali potencialnih prostitutk. Te arkadne jame so imenovali "fornices", od koder izhaja angleška beseda nečistovanje. [ potreben citat ] Gostilne, gostilne, nastanitvene hiše, kuharice, pekarne, mlini in podobne ustanove so imele pomembno vlogo v podzemlju Rima.

Sodniki so na splošno gostilne šteli za bordele, natakarice pa po zakonu. [50] Pesem "The Barmaid" ("Copa"), pripisana Vergiliju, dokazuje, da je imela celo lastnica dve struni za svoj lok, in Horace [51], ko opisuje svoj izlet v Brundisium, pripoveduje o svojih izkušnjah ali pomanjkanju tega, s natakarico v gostilni. Omeniti je treba, da je ta odlomek edini v vseh njegovih delih, v katerem je popolnoma iskren v tem, kar pravi o ženskah. "Tu sem kot trojni bedak čakal do polnoči na ležečega žada, dokler me ni premagal spanec, z namenom, da bi v tem umazanem prizoru omamil, sanje opazijo moja nočna oblačila in trebuh, ko ležim na hrbtu." V napisu Aeserman [52] imamo še en primer gostoljubnosti teh gostiln in dialog med gostiteljico in prehodnim. Račun za storitve deklice je znašal 8 osli. Ta napis je zelo zanimiv za starinar in arheologa. Da peki niso bili počasni pri organizaciji mlinov za mletje, kaže odlomek iz Paulusa Diaconusa: [53] "s časom so lastniki teh javnih mlinov za koruzo spremenili v škodljive goljufije. Ker so bili mlinski kamni popravljeni v pod zemljo, so postavili stojnice na obeh straneh teh prostorov in povzročili, da so prostitutke v njih najele, tako da so s temi sredstvi prevarali zelo veliko, nekatere, ki so prišle po kruh, druge, ki so hitele tja za osnovno zadovoljstvo svojih brezveznost. " Iz nekega odlomka v Festu se zdi, da je bilo to prvič uresničeno v Kampaniji: "prostitutke so v Kampaniji imenovali" aelicariae "," dekleta na mlinčkah ", ki so bile navajene hoditi za dobiček pred mlini plinarjev. ". "Navadne štruklje, ljubice pekov, zavračajo deklice iz mlina," pravi Plautus. [54]

Gledališče Pompey ima več kipov žensk. Coarelli je verjel, da so kipi v Pompejevi vili znani kurtizani, potem ko so te kipe povezali z besedili z imeni prostitutk. Vendar pa nekateri znanstveniki trdijo, da gre za dejanske umetnice, kot so pesnice, muze in junakinje. V povezavi med imeni ni dovolj dokazov, ki bi nakazovali, da so vse prostitutke. [55]

Prostitutke so imele vlogo pri številnih starodavnih rimskih verskih obredih, predvsem v mesecu aprilu. 1. aprila so ženske počastile Fortuna Virilis, "moško srečo", na dan Veneralije, praznika Venere. Po Ovidiju so se [57] prostitutke pridružile poročenim ženskam (matronae) pri obrednem čiščenju in ponovni postavitvi kultnega kipa Fortune Virilis. [58] Običajno je meja med uglednimi ženskami in dojenčki je bila skrbno vlečena: ko je duhovnica potovala po ulicah, so njeni spremljevalci umaknili prostitutke skupaj z drugimi "nečistočami" s svoje poti. [59]

23. aprila so prostitutke darovale v templju Venere Erycine, ki je bil na ta datum posvečen leta 181 pred našim štetjem, kot drugi tempelj v Rimu za Venero Erycino (Venero iz Eriksa), boginjo, povezano s prostitutkami. Datum je sovpadel z vinskim praznikom Vinalia. [58] "Opaženi fantje" (pueri lenonii) so praznovali 25. aprila, na isti dan kot Robigalia, arhaični kmetijski praznik, namenjen zaščiti žitnih pridelkov. [60]

27. aprila je Floralia, ki je potekala v čast boginje Flore in je bila prvič predstavljena okoli leta 238 pr. Po besedah ​​krščanskega pisca Lactantiusa "poleg svobode govora, ki prinaša vsako nespodobnost, se prostitutke ob pomembnosti množice slečejo z oblačil in delujejo kot mimi na pogled množice, in to nadaljujejo dokler brezsramni opazovalci ne pridejo do polne sitosti, ki zadržujejo svojo pozornost s krtačo zadnjico. " [61] Juvenal se nanaša tudi na goli ples in morda na prostitutke, ki se borijo na gladiatorskih tekmovanjih. [62]

V srednjeveški Evropi so meretrix razumeli kot vsako skupno žensko, ki "nikogar ni odvrnila". [63] Na splošno je veljalo, da bo pri tej transakciji vpleten denar, ni pa nujno: namesto tega je bila meutriksnost promiskuitetna. [64]

Srednjeveški krščanski avtorji so prostitucijo pogosto odvračali, vendar niso menili, da je to hud prekršek, v nekaterih okoliščinah pa so celo poroko s bludnico šteli za dejanje pobožnosti. [65] V kategorijo je bilo mogoče vstati in spadati, tako kot pri zgodbah o prostitutkah, ki so se kesale, da bi postale svetnice. [66]

Nekateri sodobni profesorji feminizma so trdili, da a meretrix v srednjeveški miselnosti je bližje našemu sodobnemu razumevanju spolne identitete ali usmerjenosti. [67]


Spomeniki

Glanum ima impresiven slavolok, postavljen med 10. in 25. letom našega štetja, zaradi česar je najstarejši v Galiji. Prikazuje galske ujetnike, ki jih zmagoviti Rimljani odpeljejo v verigah. V bližini je skoraj nedotaknjen kenotaf iz 1. stoletja našega štetja, eden najbolje ohranjenih, ki ga najdemo kjer koli v rimskem svetu. Napis je še vedno jasno razbrati, brati

Njegova oblika je nenavadna. Na dnu je podstavek, izklesan z zgodovinskimi in mitskimi reliefi. Obrazi prikazujejo naslednje prizore:

  • sever: konjeniška bitka (neznanega datuma in kraja, morda mitološka).
  • Vzhod: navdihnjena z mitsko vojno med Grki in Amazonkami prikazuje bojevnika, ki je od mrtvih sovražnikov jemal trofeje.
  • Jug: legenda o lovu na kalidonskega merjasca, ki ga je vodil Meleager, pri čemer sta Castor in Pollux prikazana na konju.
  • Zahod: bojni prizor iz trojanske vojne in boj za posest trupla Patrokla.

Nad podstavkom je štirikraki lok, ki spominja na slavolok. Zaradi tega, njegove lokacije in vsebine rezbarije so arheologi domnevali, da je bil eden od njenih posvečenih ugleden vojak. Kenotaf je na vrhu s strukturo, ki močno spominja na okrogel tempelj ali tholos, v katerem so kipi posvečenih (danes kopije).

Dva spomenika, danes znana kot les Antiques, so največji ohranjeni fragmenti starodavnega mesta in so bili dolgo časa edini pomemben vidni ostanek.


Mavzolej Julija, njegov zgornji krožni odsek, je mogoče videti tudi na sliki, ki se uporablja kot ozadje za to stran

Mavzolej je sestavljen iz podstavka, okrašenega v basso reliefu z boji konjenice in pehote, nad katerim visi mreža, polna rib, podprta z geniji in maskami pod vsakim kotom, zgoraj je postavljen jonski pilaster (..), okrogel podstavek in stebra z dvanajstimi kornetskimi stebri, ki so kratki in debeli v svojih razmerjih, je pokrov pokrit s stožčasto kupolo: pod njim se pojavi togirana in stolasta figura zelo različne postave, brez glav, verjetno podobe oseb čigar spomin je bil ta grob posvečen. Celotna zgradba je lahka in očesu prijetna, po pregledu njenih ločenih članov pa bodo v mnogih njenih razmerjih ugotovili, da so stebri prekratki za njihov premer, streha je morda pretežka, kot je bila pogosto navada starodavnih mojstrov je arhitekt žrtvoval vso pozornost do drobnih delov za splošni učinek in izračunal razmerja, tako da je opazovalec na določeni točki razdalje, kjer je položaj tal ali projekcija sosednjih zgradb, ga je prisilil, da si ogleda svoje stališče. Swinburne


Malo znana vloga suženjstva v družbi Vikingov

Ena najtrpežnejših sestavin podobe Vikinga je pojem svobode in pustolovščine daleč na obzorju in vse, kar je šlo z njo. Toda za mnoge je bilo to nedosegljivo upanje. Vsako resnično branje življenja v dobi Vikingov se mora najprej sprijazniti z vidikom vsakodnevne izkušnje, ki je verjetno predstavljala najbolj elementarno delitev v takratnih družbah: razliko med tistimi, ki so bili svobodni, in tistimi, ki niso. Pod družabnim omrežjem vsakršno razlikovanje statusa, razreda, priložnosti in bogastva bledi poleg najosnovnejšega dejstva svobode in posledične možnosti izbire.

Institucija suženjstva je imela v Skandinaviji že dolgo časa, verjetno že tisoč let pred časom Vikingov. Do osmega stoletja našega štetja je na severu živelo precejšnje prebivalstvo nesvobodnih ljudi, njihovo stanje je bilo v veliki meri dedno, ki se je kopičilo skozi generacije. V dobi Vikingov se je ta slika dramatično spremenila, ker so Skandinavci prvič začeli aktivno pridobivanje človeške premičnine ključni del svojega gospodarstva. To je bil eden glavnih ciljev napadov in vojaških akcij Vikingov, rezultat pa je bilo močno povečanje števila zasužnjenih ljudi v Skandinaviji.

Naj bo torej jasno navedeno: Vikingi so bili sužnji, ugrabitev, prodaja in prisilno izkoriščanje ljudi pa so bili vedno osrednji steber njihove kulture.

Otroci pepela in bresta: Zgodovina Vikingov

Dokončna zgodovina Vikingov —od umetnosti in kulture do politike in kozmologije — uglednega arheologa z desetletji strokovnega znanja

Eden od razlogov, zakaj je ta resničnost imela tako majhen vpliv na javnost, je, da so konvencionalni besednjaki zasužnjevanja, ki so jih uporabljali akademiki in drugi, ki se ukvarjajo na primer s čezatlantsko trgovino zadnjih stoletij, redko uporabljali za Vikinško dobo. Zlasti v terminologiji obstaja dvoumnost, ker se je namesto “slave ” vedno uporabljala zelo drugačna beseda: staro nordijščina thr æll— nam daje sodobno angleščino “thrall, ”, ki jo zdaj uporabljamo, kot da nas navdušuje oseba, umetniško delo ali ideja.

Preudarna kombinacija arheoloških in besedilnih virov lahko ustvari razmeroma obsežno sliko suženjstva Vikingov. Eno vmesno suženjsko stanje je bilo na primer do neke mere prostovoljno, čeprav je nastalo pod precejšnjo ekonomsko prisilo, na primer sredstvo za poravnavo dolgov. Nekateri zločini so bili kaznovani tudi tako, da so za določen čas služili kot upor.

Norveški sistem ropstva ni bil vedno popolno suženjstvo, toda večina zasužnjenih je imela malo volje. Kot sta opazila dva ugledna vikinška učenjaka pred 50 leti, “ suženj ni mogel imeti ničesar, ničesar podedovati, ničesar pustiti. ” Seveda nista bila plačana, vendar sta v nekaterih okoliščinah lahko zadržala majhen del izkupiček, ki so ga pridobili na trgu pri prodaji blaga za svoje lastnike. Posledično je bilo tehnično mogoče, čeprav redko, da si je ubožec pridobil svobodo. Prav tako jih lahko kadar koli izročijo ali izpustijo iz suženjstva. Na podlagi teh parametrov so nekateri znanstveniki trdili, da je bilo število dejanskih zasužnjenih v družbi vikinške dobe relativno nizko. Ker pa raziskovalci izvajajo dodatno analizo podrobnih evropskih evidenc napadov sužnjev Vikingov, se je obseg te trgovine močno spremenil navzgor.

A 19th-century painting by Peter Raadsig shows Iceland's first settler, Ingólfr Arnarson, commanding enslaved individuals to erect a pillar. (Javna domena prek Wikimedia Commons)

Some thralls were born into slavery because both of their parents were enslaved, or a freeborn man who had impregnated their enslaved mother declined to acknowledge the child. Others were taken captive, either in raids undertaken specifically for that purpose or as prisoners of war. Though an enslaved individual might pass through many hands in a journey lasting months or years, the experience almost always began with a violent kidnapping. Behind every Viking raid, usually visualized today as an arrow or name on a map, was the appalling trauma visited upon all people at the moment of enslavement, the disbelieving experience of passing from person to property in seconds.

Not all enslaved people—indeed, perhaps only a small minority—were retained personally by their captors and put to work. The majority entered the wider network of trafficking and were transported to markets and points of sale in settlements across the Viking world and beyond, even reaching the emporia of western Europe. Over time, slaving become arguably the main element of the trade that developed during the Viking Age along the eastern rivers of European Russia and what is now Ukraine. No solid infrastructure of purpose-built slave markets, with auction blocks and the like, existed. Instead, transactions were small-scale but frequent, with one or two individuals sold at a time in any circumstances that seemed viable.

The List of Ríg—one of the Old Norse so-called Eddic poems—is a curious work that purports to describe the divine origin of human social classes. In the story, the god Heimdall, using the name Ríg, visits three households in turn. One is humble and impoverished, while the second is modest but well-kept and the third wealthy and proud. Ríg spends three nights at each house, sleeping between the couples living there, and in due course, a series of children are born—the progenitors of the thralls, the farmers and the elites, respectively. The poem includes a list of names appropriate to these characters’ stations in life: The “first couple” of the enslaved class are called Thræll and Thír, the latter name effectively meaning “thrall-woman.” Their sons’ names translate as Noisy, Byreboy, Stout, Sticky, Bedmate, Badbreath, Stumpy, Fatty, Sluggish, Grizzled, Stooper and Longlegs. The daughters are dubbed Stumpina (a feminine form of the male equivalent, with the sense of a demeaning joke), Dumpy, Bulgingcalves, Bellowsnose, Shouty, Bondwoman, Greatgossip, Raggedyhips and Craneshanks. All clearly pejoratives, several of the monikers imply ill health and a lack of hygiene, and one clearly refers to sexual servitude. None of them acknowledge individual identity or personality.

Shackles from the Viking town of Birka, Sweden (top left) Neu Nieköhr, Germany (bottom left) and Trelleborg, Slagelse, Denmark (right) (Christer Åhlin / Swedish Historical Museum / Ben Raffield)

The poem also outlines the tasks performed by the enslaved: Thræll carries heavy bundles of kindling and plaits materials for basket making, while his family “fixed fences, dunged fields, worked at the pigs, watched over the goats, dug the peat.” Their bodies are marked by manual labor, with wrinkled skin burnt by the sun, scabbed nails, gnarled knuckles and dull eyes. Their bare feet are covered with soil.

A tiny handful of texts preserve the actual voices of the enslaved. One is an 11th-century, highly decorated runestone from Hovgården, the royal estate on Adelsö island in Lake Mälaren, Sweden. The inscription honors the king’s estate manager and is a rare example of people erecting a stone to themselves while alive:

Read these runes! They were properly ordered cut by Tolir, the bryti in Roden, appointed by the king. Tolir and Gylla had them cut, husband and wife to their own memory . Hákon did the carving.

The key fact here is that a bryti was a special class of thrall, someone entrusted with much responsibility but lacking liberty nonetheless. In other cultures, parallel accounts of enslaved individuals rising to positions of sometimes considerable power blur the lines of what their status actually meant. On Adelsö, Tolir was clearly able to marry (whether this had legal standing is another matter) and afford a magnificent statement of his position as the royal servant.

Another 11th-century stone from Hørning in Denmark tells a simpler, but perhaps more poignant, tale:

Tóki the blacksmith raised this stone to the memory of Thorgisl, son of Gudmund, who gave him gold and freed him.

A fleet of Viking ships on a raid, as seen in a 1915 rendition (Photo by Universal History Archive / Universal Images Group via Getty Images)

A freed thrall existed in the ambiguous space between enslavement and complete liberty. All freed(wo)men remained obligated to their former owners and were expected to support them, and they were never regarded as fully the equal of freeborn folk. Former thralls also had lower rights to compensation in legal codes. The stone raised by Tóki indicates his profession—a handy, useful occupation—but whether this was something new or a legacy of his former tasks as a thrall is unclear. In time, the children and grandchildren of freed thralls would gain the full rights of the freeborn.

Material reflections of Viking-Age slavery are meager but significant. At the most basic level, iron shackles have been found in the urban centers of Birka and Hedeby, as well as a handful of other sites connected with commerce. Some of them arguably could have been used to restrain animals but were more likely designed to be placed around a human neck, wrist or ankle.

Most of the archaeological material is harder to read, in that it only indirectly reflects the presence of the enslaved. They would have needed housing and feeding, and their work must have been not only integrated into the economy but perhaps also a main driver of it. In the early Viking Age, for example, who serviced the rapid expansion of the labor-intensive tar production industry, along with the parallel rise in the exploitation of the outlands? Later in the period, further reorganization of the economy, in connection with an escalating need for sailcloth (and therefore wool and sheep), had obvious implications for the consequent rise in labor requirements. Developments in the built environments of the estates, an increase in smaller structures (perhaps thralls’ quarters?), and additions to the main halls and ancillary buildings also occurred. As raiding for enslaved people escalated, these individuals’ work became essential for building, equipping and maintaining the fleets used in such assaults, and so on in a self-reinforcing system.

For the enslaved, the mid-8th to mid-11th centuries A.D. were an utterly different experience from that of the free people around them. The Viking Age was very much a time of borders—between cultures and ways of life, between different views of reality, and between individuals, including at the level of liberty itself.

Prilagojeno iz Children of Ash and Elm: A History of the Vikings by Neil Price. Copyright © 2020 by Neil Price. Available from Basic Books.

About Neil Price

Neil Price is distinguished professor and chair of archaeology at Uppsala University, Sweden. He has been researching, teaching, and writing on the Vikings for nearly 35 years and is the author of several books on the history of the Viking Age. He lives in Sweden.


Bloodshed and Blossoming: The Gaul Caesar Made

[Editor’s Note: This review first appeared in the February 2018 issue of The New Criterion.]

“They make a desert and call it peace.” So the Roman historian Tacitus, writing at the end of the first century A.D ., describes the devastating result of Roman imperial conquest. Tacitus assigns these words to the Briton chieftain Calgacus, who faced the inexorable advance of Roman legions in Britain. When he wrote these words, Tacitus was likely thinking of the devastation inflicted on Gaul a century before by Julius Caesar. By any measure, the carnage Caesar’s troops inflicted on Gaul was vast. During the eight-year campaign, Caesar’s armies are estimated to have killed over one million Gauls, the entire population of the city of Rome at its height. Yet this bloodshed, like many mass outpourings of organized violence in human history, laid a foundation for future prosperity and cultural blossoming, and had an undeniably civilizing effect on the known world for centuries to come. From the perspective of a millennium later, another historian of Rome, Edward Gibbon, would write that “if a man were called to fix the period in the history of the world, during which the condition of the human race was most happy and prosperous, he would, without hesitation, name that which elapsed from the death of Domitian to the accession of Commodus,” the very period in which Tacitus lived. The history of Rome and its legacy for the modern world is shot through with this tension between rapacious, violent conquest and the spread of peaceful civilization, the famous Pax Romana. The original “culture warriors,” the Romans spread their way of life across the globe, bringing order and stability, but often taking no prisoners in the process.

Bijan Omrani’s new book, Caesar’s Footprints, explores this dichotomy, while offering an educational and enjoyable tour of the ancient Gallic-Roman society that grew out of the ashes of Caesar’s conquest. Omrani, in addition to being an accomplished travel writer and journalist, teaches Latin at Westminster School in London. He states in the introduction that his inspiration for the book sprang from a desire to further his Latin students’ appreciation of Caesar’s Galske vojne, the Roman general’s own account of his campaigns. Any Latin teacher can relate. When the College Board altered the AP Latin exam in 2012 to replace half of Vergil’s Aeneida with Caesar’s dry military narrative, a collective groan was heard in Latin classrooms across the land. That Caesar was a master Latin prose stylist, known in his own lifetime as one of Rome’s greatest orators, who even published a now-lost treatise on style called De Analogia, is more often than not lost on the thousands of American high school Latin students who are frogmarched through his verbal quagmire of ablative absolutes and indirect statements towards a desperate last stand on the AP exam in late May. Omrani provides some sorely needed enrichment for the experience of reading Caesar, contextualizing his narrative in the cultural, historical, and literary landscape of Gaul, yet never losing touch with Caesar’s text itself, as evidenced by the Latin quotations from the Gallic Wars that introduce each chapter’s theme.

Ancient Gaul was a fascinating, exotic place, and Omrani’s work immerses the reader in its sights and sounds. The story begins where the Romans did, in Provence, the original Roman provincia (whence the name in modern French), excavating and exploring the region’s ancient foundations. Ancient Massalia (today Marseille), originally a Greek colony established by the Phocians in 600 B.C. , was incorporated into the Roman province and became an important center of education later in the Roman empire. Before Arles’ starry nights became the fascination of Van Gogh’s manic brilliance, its Roman precursor Arelatum was a hub of central importance, as the enormous amphitheater in the center of town and the sprawling Roman necropolis on the outskirts will attest. The Occitan city of Nîmes, probably best known for its blue fabric that clads the world’s legs (denim is “de Nîmes”), was founded as ancient Naumasus by a group of Roman legionaries who fought on Julius Caesar’s Nile campaigns. Omrani also accompanies the reader north into less “civilized’’ regions of Gaul named for the barbaric customs of the natives, including Gallia Comata, “Long-haired Gaul,” and, even worse, Gallia Bracata, “Pants-wearing Gaul,” where the natives eschewed the toga, the Roman symbol of polite society, for Celtic trousers! Beneath the surface of Lyon, France’s second city and gastronomical capital, lies ancient Lugdunum , the eventual capital of Gaul and birthplace of the Roman Emperor Claudius. Amidst the bucolic hills of Burgundian wine country stands Autun, a jewel of a city with some of the best-preserved Roman walls in Europe. Nearby, nestled in the woods of a national forest, lie the remains of the Gallic settlement Bibracte, lavishly restored by the French government as a sort of Celtic Pompeii. This entire sojourn is expertly narrated by Omrani, blending the absorbing narrative technique of a travel writer — this is his fourth book, the first three focusing on the Middle East and Asia — with the quirky erudition of a Latin teacher, who might stop to decipher a Latin inscription on an otherwise incomprehensible stone or lintel.

Across this Gallic landscape and beyond, encompassing its many peoples and cities, stretched the ambition of Gaius Julius Caesar, a young, aristocratic Roman with designs on power in the twilight of Republican Rome. Omrani’s training as an Oxford classicist is on full display in chapter two, where he narrates Caesar’s rise to power and the circumstances that led to his campaigns in Gaul. Through various political machinations in Rome, young Caesar had accumulated significant debts, and a decade of government-authorized pillaging in Gaul was the perfect way to pay them off. The proper Latin title of the Galske vojne je Commentarii de Bello Gallico, or “Commentaries on the War in Gaul,” and this name points to Caesar’s real agenda that belies the seemingly objective military narrative. Though billed as Caesar’s field notes, the commentaries are actually the carefully crafted propaganda of a master orator and politician, portraying himself as a great leader of men fighting a just war against dangerous and savage enemies. Such rhetoric would prove useful when the Roman Senate recalled Caesar to face prosecution in 49 B.C. As is well known to history, Caesar declined this invitation, and instead made the fateful decision to cross the Rubicon with his armies, invading Italy and engaging in a bloody civil war that would make him Dictator for Life and set a cabal of Republican conspirators plotting the doom of this new populist tyrant. Omrani’s detailed and entertaining backstory shows how integral the Gallic campaigns were to Caesar’s overarching political ambitions and ultimate fate.

Thus the famous phrase that begins the Gallic Wars and echoes in the memory of many a former Latin student, Gallia est omnis divisa in partes tres (“all of Gaul is divided into three parts”), is really more a statement of Caesar’s ambition than a representation of any contemporary political reality. Gaul was not a unified political entity in Caesar’s day, but rather a piebald agglomeration of different tribes and peoples, unified loosely by language and the mysterious and terrifying religion of druidism, which featured, among other strange rites, human sacrifice. The aspiration of controlling the “three Gauls” did not originate or die with Caesar. V Galske vojne, Caesar himself reports a speech given by his Gallic adversary, the young noble Vercingetorix, who in 52 B.C. attempted to unite the Gauls under his command to make a stand against the Romans at the Battle of Alesia. Alas, this was not to be. The Romans routed the Gauls at Alesia, and Vercingetorix met his end in the grisly spectacle of the Roman triumph, ritually executed six years later on Caesar’s orders before the temple of Jupiter in the capital.

Nevertheless, this elusive vision of the power of a unified Gaul lived on to inspire future Gallic leaders of men. In an odd mix, both Vercingetorix and his conqueror become models for later French commanders, most notably the French Emperors Napoleon I and his nephew, Napoleon III. The latter even erected a statue of Vercingetorix on the site of the Battle of Alesia, modern Alise Sainte-Reine, inscribed with a loose French translation of the words assigned to Vercingetorix by Caesar: La Gaule unie, formant une seule nation, animée d’un même esprit, peut défier l’univers, “a united Gaul, forming a single nation, and inspired by the same spirit, can defy the universe.” The mustachioed statue bears a striking resemblance to Napoleon himself. There is perhaps no better commemoration of the paradox of Caesar’s constitutive destruction. Almost two millennia later, France had become the imperialist colonizer, led by a man of Italian birth who filled the Louvre with Rome’s sacked treasures, and who memorialized himself with a statue of a vanquished Gallic resistance fighter in the language of the latter’s conqueror. Omrani appreciates this ironic complexity, and adds to its richness by exploring many other instances at which the legend of Vercingetorix and the Gauls have permeated French culture, even as they built on the infrastructure of Roman conquest, from late antiquity until the present day.

Omrani is clearly well read, and does not fail to showcase similar tensions in French literature from all periods. Chapter nine includes a delightful interlude exploring the work of the poet Ausonius, who wrote in the fourth century A.D., at a time when Gaul had been firmly established as a part of the Roman Empire. Ausonius’s oeuvre also reverberates with this tension between Roman civilization and barbarian other, yet Ausonius, a young member of the Gallo-Roman elite, now sees himself in the former camp. Omrani translates one fragment of a love poem Ausonius wrote for Bissula, a Germanic slave he received as a war prize for fighting in a Roman campaign against the Germans:

Born and bred beyond the chilly Danube, Bissula . . . a captive maid but made free, she queens it as the pet of him whose spoil of war she was . . . not so changed by Roman blessings but that she remains German in features, blue of eyes and fair of hair. A girl of either race, now speech, now looks present her: the last declare her a daughter of the Rhine, the first a child of Rome.

Now that Gaul had become fully Romanized, the barbarian terror had migrated across the Rhine into Germany. As Ausonius expresses his admiration of Bissula’s charming mixture of Germanic and Roman features, perhaps the irony escapes him that only a few generations ago a similar sentiment could easily have been expressed about one of his countrymen. Or perhaps he is all too conscious of this, and this awareness stokes his poetic inspiration. Ausonius is only one of numerous Gallo-Roman authors Omrani explores in the work, ranging widely across centuries and genres, and taking account of both pagan and Christian sources. Some of this might be a bit much as light extracurricular reading for Omrani’s high school Latin students, but an educated reader whose appetite is a match for Omrani’s erudition will be rewarded with a wealth of rich new material in his pages.

Of course, once the Napoleons’ imperial ambitions had receded, it would be the Germans’ turn, goose-stepping across the French border under imperial Reichsadlers forged in the image of Roman military standards. Even a cursory glance at European history will turn up scores of ill-conceived attempts to civilize the known world in Rome’s image, from Mussolini, Il Duce (derived from the Roman military title of dux , “commander”), to the Slavic Czars of Russia and Bulgaria (“Czar” is an honorific title derived from Caesar’s very name). On one hand, Omrani’s book is a grim reminder that the garden of Western Civilization has been often watered by the blood of the conquered, and pruned in the brutal form of Rome’s imperial image. On the other hand, the rich and complex society he explores also reminds us that this unwilling union of cultures can have beautiful and enduring results. This makes the work particularly relevant in an era of European political conflict centering on immigration that threatens Europe’s unity and traditional cultural self-definition.

Caesar’s Footprints opens with the arresting image of an Arab migrant crouched in an alley in Marseille, peeling rubber off a wire with a crude knife. Anyone who has spent time in modern France, or paid attention to its politics, knows that the presence of this cultural other in French society has sparked contentious debate. Admittedly, a few of Omrani’s attempts to map ancient migratory movements onto this modern paradigm felt a little jarring. Were the ancient Phocian Greek founders of Marseille really “migrants” in this context, or is the more traditional appellation of “colonists” more accurate? Applying today’s standards to the past can be a tricky business, especially to make a political point, and things rarely line up perfectly. Nevertheless, by looking back thousands of years at one of the foundational conflicts in European culture, Omrani succeeds at evoking the glory and complexity of the society it birthed and reminds his readers that the bitterness of clashing cultures inevitably also produces sweet moments of sublime humanity, as a bite of baklava at the Mosquée de Paris can serve to distract the mind from current political preoccupations. When sampling these morsels that are the byproducts of such bitter human discord, we are tempted to one-up Tacitus and marvel at the indefatigable human ability to “make a dessert, and call it peace” or to take heart against all odds with Vercingetorix, that what unites us will always be more powerful than what divides us. This reminder of the continuing relevance of the exploits of Rome’s greatest general, and of the omnipresent cultural web that connects our society to his actions millenia ago, is, for this reviewer, the most important achievement of Omrani’s entertaining and edifying work.

Jason Pedicone is the president of the Paideia Institute.


Možnosti dostopa

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Enslaved Gaul, Arch of Glanum - History

Publikacija Ameriškega arheološkega inštituta

The Romans were on to something! As with so many parts of the ancient world, they colonized France (then Gaul), which was then and still is one of the most beautiful parts of their vast empire. Home to some of the most spectacular and best-preserved Roman buildings and monuments outside of Italy, Provence and adjacent areas of southern France are archaeologically rich in Roman sites and have the added benefit of providing delicious Provençal food and wine from nearby vineyards to the traveler sated by long days of exploring antiquity. In April 2007 my husband, Steve Morse, and I spent a couple of weeks in this delightful part of the world.

Jane C. Waldbaum is Professor Emerita of Art History at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee where she taught undergraduate and graduate courses on Greek, Roman, and Egyptian art history and archaeology for almost 30 years. A graduate of Brandeis University (1962), Jane earned her MA and PhD (1968) in Classical Archaeology from Harvard University, and has worked on archaeological excavations at Gezer and Ashkelon in Israel, at Gordion and Sardis in Turkey, at Idalion in Cyprus, and at Paestum in Italy. Her research interests include cultural and economic contacts among the ancient cultures of the Mediterranean region and she has written three books and numerous articles on this and other subjects.

Jane is the immediate Past President of the Archaeological Institute of America (AIA), serving as President from 2003 to 2007 and first Vice President from 1999 to 2003. She is currently President of the AIA's local society in Milwaukee. She has also served as a trustee of the American Schools of Oriental Research and of the W. F. Albright Institute of Archaeological Research in Jerusalem.

Click on the photos to begin your tour.

We started out in the ancient Greek port of Massalia (modern Marseille), traditionally settled by Ionian Greeks from Phocaea in western Asia Minor around 600 B.C.

Avignon has a primarily medieval flavor, though it was settled much earlier than that.

If you are looking for visible and comprehensible Roman remains, Arles is a good place to start.

Named for a local Celtic spring deity, Nemausus (Nîmes) stood at the convergence of a number of important routes.

The Pont du Gard was probably built in the late first century B.C. under the emperor Augustus, though some have suggested a later date.

While the Pont du Gard is well preserved and well known, the Aqueducts de Barbegal, near Arles, lie in ruins off-the-beaten-track, sitting beside a secondary road and running through farm fields and olive groves.

Orange, Roman Arausio, was inhabited from Neolithic times.

The triumphal arch at Carpentras was probably built in the first century, roughly contemporary with the better-preserved and better-known arch at Orange, and like it, celebrates a military victory.

First excavated from 1907 to 1955 and again since the 1970s, Vaison-la-Romaine (Roman Vasio) provides a fascinating picture of how the wealthy Romanized Celtic citizens of the town lived during its heyday.

The site of Glanum is about three kilometers south of the town of St.-Remy and next door to the monastery where Vincent van Gogh spent much of the last year of his life.